Prepare:

Explore The Political Compass website and take the quiz. Take the time to notice where your responses landed you on the Political Compass grid and where that point is in relation to world leaders. Then, read Chapters 13 and 14 in your textbook and the article, “The Rise of Conservatism Since World War II.”


Reflect:

Consider the information on The Political Compass website. How well did the information on the website conform to your own views of what “liberal” and “conservative” mean? How well did the information conform to the media’s portrayals of “liberal” and “conservative”? Think about the information that you read in the textbook and in the article “The Rise of Conservatism Since World War II.” Reflect on the reasons that conservatism gained more popular support in the last part of the 20th century and what effect conservative policies have had on different groups. Think about the many developments that we have explored over the past five weeks and how they have contributed to the political, social, and economic issues that the United States faces today. Think about how history can help us understand the issues of today.

Consult The Anatomy of a Discussion Board as well as Critical Thinking: A Guide to Skillful Reasoning as you formulate your response.


Write:

Based on your textbook and the required article, address the following items:

  • Explain at least three reasons for the rise of conservatism in the last part of the 20th century.
  • Explain at least one way in which the rise of conservatism had a positive or negative impact for a specific group of Americans.
  • Then, select an issue that you feel is important today. How does a knowledge of history help us gain a better understanding of this issue?

Your initial post should be at least 250 words in length. Your post should make reference to the required materials with in-text citations. Your references and citations must be formatted according to APA style as outlined by the Ashford Writing Center. You may use additional scholarly sources to support your points if you choose.

Can anyone do my discussion1 wk.5 US?
13 The Conservative Triumph Associated Press After an energy crisis struck in the 1970s, many began to conserve, and automakers rolled out a series of compact cars. Short fuel supplies led to rationing and forced Americans to wait in long lines for gas. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 411 1/9/15 9:37 AM American Lives: Jerry Falwell Pre-Test 1. President Nixon’s approach to foreign affairs can be described as “multipolar.” T/F 2. The Equal Rights Amendment was a successful constitutional ban on all forms of gender discrimination. T/F 3. Title IX expanded educational opportunities for girls and women. T/F 4. President Reagan’s economic program was successful in helping even the poorest Americans. T/F 5. As president, Jimmy Carter was able to please both the Religious Right and liberals who lauded his social and economic policies. T/F Answers can be found at the end of the chapter. Learning Objectives By the end of this chapter, you should be able to: • Discuss the ways that Nixon’s domestic and foreign policies contrasted with the ideology of conservative Republicans. • Explain how women and minorities fared under Nixon’s presidency. • Explain why Jimmy Carter lost support from both the Religious Right and liberals. • Discuss the major issues that drove the conservative agenda. • Explain how Reagan’s economic policies differed from those of Carter or Nixon. American Lives: Jerry Falwell Televangelist and political activist Jerry Falwell was a leading force behind the drive to wed Christian ideology with conservative politics in the United States. He became a nationally known leader of the so-called Religious Right that heavily influenced presidential and other federal elections in the 1970s and 1980s. Most importantly, Falwell formed a political organization, the Moral Majority , in 1979 to mobilize Christians behind Republican political candidates. He became a leading spokesperson for the group, which consisted of a number of political action committees that raised private funds to influence elections or legislation. The Moral Majority sought to fuse personal beliefs with political action. It became a force behind the pro-life movement that opposed legal abortion, and it channeled a growing desire among conservatives to bridge the church–state divide by promoting movements for public prayer and opposing the teaching of evolution in the nation’s schools. At the height of its political influence, the group claimed more than 4 million members and was extremely important in electing (and reelecting) Ronald Reagan as president. Falwell and his twin brother were born in Lynchburg, Virginia, in 1933, just as the Great Depres – sion was gripping the nation. After attending Baptist Bible College in Missouri, he returned to © Bettmann/Corbis Baptist minister Jerry Falwell was a leading political force of the Religious Right. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 412 1/9/15 9:37 AM Pre-Test 1. President Nixon’s approach to foreign affairs can be described as “multipolar.” T/F 2. The Equal Rights Amendment was a successful constitutional ban on all forms of gender discrimination. T/F 3. Title IX expanded educational opportunities for girls and women. T/F 4. President Reagan’s economic program was successful in helping even the poorest Americans. T/F 5. As president, Jimmy Carter was able to please both the Religious Right and liberals who lauded his social and economic policies. T/F Answers can be found at the end of the chapter. Learning Objectives By the end of this chapter, you should be able to: • Discuss the ways that Nixon’s domestic and foreign policies contrasted with the ideology of conservative Republicans. • Explain how women and minorities fared under Nixon’s presidency. • Explain why Jimmy Carter lost support from both the Religious Right and liberals. • Discuss the major issues that drove the conservative agenda. • Explain how Reagan’s economic policies differed from those of Carter or Nixon. American Lives: Jerry Falwell Televangelist and political activist Jerry Falwell was a leading force behind the drive to wed Christian ideology with conservative politics in the United States. He became a nationally known leader of the so-called Religious Right that heavily influenced presidential and other federal elections in the 1970s and 1980s. Most importantly, Falwell formed a political organization, the Moral Majority , in 1979 to mobilize Christians behind Republican political candidates. He became a leading spokesperson for the group, which consisted of a number of political action committees that raised private funds to influence elections or legislation. The Moral Majority sought to fuse personal beliefs with political action. It became a force behind the pro-life movement that opposed legal abortion, and it channeled a growing desire among conservatives to bridge the church–state divide by promoting movements for public prayer and opposing the teaching of evolution in the nation’s schools. At the height of its political influence, the group claimed more than 4 million members and was extremely important in electing (and reelecting) Ronald Reagan as president. Falwell and his twin brother were born in Lynchburg, Virginia, in 1933, just as the Great Depres – sion was gripping the nation. After attending Baptist Bible College in Missouri, he returned to © Bettmann/Corbis Baptist minister Jerry Falwell was a leading political force of the Religious Right. Lynchburg, where he founded the Thomas Road Bap – tist Church. From early in his career, Falwell opposed the civil rights movement and spoke out against the desegregation of Virginia schools. He argued, “The facilities should be separate . . . when God has drawn a line of distinction, we should not attempt to cross that line” (as cited in Himes, 2011, p. 261). In the 1970s and 1980s, he spoke for a growing num – ber of Americans who worried that the demands of groups like women, gays, and other minorities threatened traditional values like the nuclear family and monogamous heterosexual relationships, as well as the condemnation of homosexuality, pornogra – phy, and vice. Falwell’s message of Christian activism resonated with many Americans grown weary from more than a decade of turmoil in the struggle over civil rights and the Vietnam War . His ministry, which drew more than 2,000 worship – pers each week, became one of the nation’s first megachurches, and he hosted a weekly radio and television program called the Old-Time Gospel Hour . Falwell also founded important conservative educa – tional institutions. The Lynchburg Christian Academy (now Liberty Christian Academy) opened in 1967 as an arm of his ministry, and in 1971 Falwell established Liberty University, which grew to become one of the largest Christian colleges in the nation. Both institutions attracted students by promoting conservative Christian values and teachings. During the second half of the 1980s, Falwell’s popularity and the influence of the Religious Right began to wane. He continued to appear in public as a conservative commentator, and he won a judgment in a libel case after the publisher of Hustler magazine printed a parody of him. How – ever, the Supreme Court, citing the First Amendment, overturned that ruling in 1988. In 1996 the motion picture The People vs. Larry Flint dramatized the case. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, Falwell’s statement that the terrorist incident was a judgment on America for “throwing God out of the public square” (as cited in Edsall, 2006, p. 54) drew significant criticism. Although considerably less influential nationally, Falwell’s message continued to resonate with conservatives who supported his ministry and the growth of Liberty University. Still active in promoting his vision for America, he died in his office in 2007 . For further thought: 1. How did Jerry Falwell tap into the concerns of many Americans in the 1970s and 1980s? 2. How did the Religious Right help shape American conservatism during these decades? American Lives: Jerry Falwell bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 413 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.1  Nixon’s America 13.1 Nixon’s America The conservative consensus that supported Falwell’s Moral Majority was not yet in place when Richard Nixon assumed the presidency in 1969. He campaigned against Johnson’s Great Society and the millions of dollars funneled into government programs. Although many Americans were disillusioned with the Vietnam War and concerned with urban unrest and the growing rights demands of various groups in society, Nixon won by a very small margin. Once in office, Nixon departed from his campaign rhetoric and advanced the liberal causes of his predecessor in important ways. Many of Nixon’s programs and actions angered conserva – tives in his own Republican Party. However, the Vietnam War was the most pressing concern he faced upon assuming office. Nixon and Vietnam Nixon pursued a peace settlement already begun during Johnson’s administration. American and North Vietnamese leaders met in Paris to discuss the possibility of ending the hostili – ties. Though the diplomatic talks had no direct impact on the war, they helped boost Nixon’s popularity at home. Nixon further increased his public approval with his policy of Vietnamization . This meant that the United States sought to limit its fighting on the ground by training South Vietnam – ese forces to wage their own war. The president had inherited a difficult situation, and he determined early in 1969 that there was little possibility of victory. He devised the Vietnam – ization strategy to ease the U.S. involvement before the almost inevitable collapse of South Vietnam. Nixon announced this policy directly to the American people in a televised address on November 3, 1969, saying: Good evening, my fellow Americans. Tonight I want to talk to you on a sub – ject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world—the war in Vietnam. I believe that one of the reasons for the deep divi – sion about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. (as cited in Vilade, 2012, p. 196) At that point 31,000 Americans had died in the war, and Nixon told the American people that there were just two courses of action. The first was immediate withdrawal. The second was to persist in “our search for peace” and “continued implementation of our plan for Vietnamiza – tion.” Nixon concluded by saying, “I have chosen this second course. It is not the easy way. It is the right way” (as cited in Gettleman, 1995, p. 444). Cambodia and Its Consequences Vietnamization did little to ease the conflict or the antiwar protests in the United States. In 1970 Nixon ordered troops into Cambodia, a neutral nation on the border of Vietnam. Aiming to cut off supplies to the North, the movement instead destabilized the Cambodian govern – ment and began a chain of events that saw the rise of the Communist Khmer Rouge party. During its reign, which lasted until 1979, Cambodians were indiscriminately killed and forced into rural communes. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 414 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.1  Nixon’s America The Cambodian campaign served to escalate antiwar protests at home. On May 4, 1970, a student protest on the campus of Kent State University in Ohio resulted in the deaths of four students, who were shot by National Guardsmen. Student protests and strikes spread to more than 350 colleges and universities, with the National Guard called in to police 21 campuses. Antiwar sentiment started within the youth culture but soon expanded into the rest of soci – ety. Troop morale plummeted as the war dragged on, and public support waned as the main – stream press reported unflattering accounts from the war zone. In 1971 the New York Times began to publish a classified defense department report, the Pentagon Papers , which traced U.S. involvement in Vietnam back to the years of World War II and revealed how several presidents misled the American people about involvement in the region. Nixon was so incensed at the report’s leak that he created his own team of inves – tigators he called the “plumber squad,” mostly former CIA operatives, to gather information about the government official responsible for sharing the documents with the press, a mili – tary analyst named Daniel Ellsberg, and to prevent future leaks. As a result of the revelations in the documents, in 1973 Congress passed the War Powers Act , requiring the president to seek congressional approval before committing troops to a foreign conflict. Christmas Bombing Meanwhile, a breakdown in the Paris negotiations meant a continuation of conflict. As Nixon increased his resolve to end the war, he reverted to a strategy first used in the mid-1960s. The United States began massive B-52 bombing runs over Vietnam in December 1972, which Nixon called the Christmas bombing. During the runs 20,000 tons of bombs were dropped, but this did little to change the direction of the war—in large part because there were few targets of any real military value (Anderson, 2002). The United States continued to lose troops, 15 of its bombers did not return, and the nation’s resolve hardened against the war. The American death toll had nearly doubled in Vietnam after Nixon’s announcement of his plans for Vietnamization. Fall of Saigon On January 27, 1973, the United States signed the Paris Peace Accords with the North Vietnamese. American negotia – tors accepted terms that left the South Vietnamese government in control in Saigon, but North Vietnamese troops were allowed to stay in the region. North Vietnam returned all American prisoners of war. It took 2 years for all American troops to pull out, and as the last were leaving in April 1975 the Communist forces marched into Saigon and attacked the U.S. embassy, forcing the final Americans to escape via helicopter. Saigon, which was once the American base of operations, became Ho Chi Minh City, and South Vietnam fell under Communist control. Associated Press The North Vietnamese, seen here in a tank passing through the Presidential Palace in Saigon, placed South Vietnam under Communist control. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 415 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.1  Nixon’s America Vietnam’s Legacy Though the war is long over, the failure to win in Vietnam continues to shape U.S. foreign pol – icy and public opinion. The losses in Vietnam included the deaths of 1.2 million Vietnamese and 58,000 Americans, at a cost of $150 billion to the United States. Americans grew weary of the war and disillusioned with their government, and they descended into a collective amne – sia about the period. Revelations such as the Pentagon Papers undermined American trust in the government and forever disabused many of a blind sense of security in Congress and especially the presidency. The Democratic Party’s credibility came to be questioned as well, and the fact that Demo – cratic politicians both led the nation into an unwinnable conflict and covered up their motives contributed to a lasting view of the party’s inability to govern in national security affairs. Also contributing to this perception was the fact that the antiwar movement ultimately found a home in the Democratic Party. Vietnam also proved to be a serious financial drain on the American economy. It contributed greatly to an inflationary spiral and an increase in the federal debt. The economic impact strained the United States through much of the 1970s. The war’s legacy and the divisions created during the conflict led many to question U.S. involvement in future military actions, always weighing involvement against the unwinnable situation in Vietnam. The use of the draft to fill military ranks also ceased, and thereafter the U.S. military became all-volunteer armed forces. In the end, the war shifted U.S. thinking about foreign policy and led to debate over America’s position as the world’s police force. New Federalism and the Welfare State Nixon’s support for some liberal domestic programs emanated from the political climate of his first term. Democrats maintained a majority in Congress, and the Republican Party included a few liberals and many moderates. Nixon also had to act because of serious eco – nomic problems. In his inaugural address, he supported the goals of full employment, better housing, educational advancements, urban renewal, and protecting the environment. At the same time, he cautioned, “[W]e are approaching the limits of what government alone can do” (as cited in Mason, 2004, p. 57). Nixon proposed a form of New Federalism that would reform welfare by providing fed – eral block grants for states to spend according to local needs. Initially created under the New Deal, the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program had grown sub – stantially during the 1960s, producing what some called a welfare crisis. The program also came to be associated with African Americans, because a growing number of African American families in poor communities relied on it. Some conservatives in Congress con – demned welfare recipients as unwilling to work and accused them of taking advantage of the government. Ignoring these critics, Nixon proposed a Family Assistance Plan to replace the AFDC and guar – antee a minimum income for all Americans while creating a national standard for welfare. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 416 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.1  Nixon’s America Supported in some conservative circles, the plan dovetailed with the consideration of a nega – tive income tax to reward working families at the bottom of the income scale. Nixon aimed to create a climate that incentivized working over receiving welfare payments. If passed, it would have guaranteed an income of $16,000 for a family of four, but the program failed to win congressional approval (Mason, 2004). Racial and Social Justice While on the campaign trail, Nixon appealed to southern Whites and some Democrats by manipulating their opposition to African American equality and civil rights developments. In what was known as the Southern Strategy, he hoped to gain the support of southerners by appearing to support their racism against African Americans. For example, he opposed judi – cial activism and spoke out against busing students to enact desegregation rulings. Up to this time, Republicans had received little support among White southerners due largely to the party’s historical legacy as a supporter of African American rights during the Reconstruction era. As civil rights gained broad support, the Southern Strategy shifted to become a subtler policy that advocated issues of concern to southerners, such as a “law-and- order” opposition to the youth counterculture and promiscuity. However, as president, Nixon had to enforce the law. During his first term, the Supreme Court overruled previous delays to implementing school desegregation. Ruling in Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education , the court held that busing students was the appro – priate means to integrate public schools. Finally, nearly 15 years after the Brown decision (see Chapter 11), southern states moved to integrate public schools. Nixon soon found himself at odds with conservatives over racial issues. Although the first use of the term affirmative action came in an executive order issued by John F. Kennedy and the idea advanced under Johnson, Nixon supported the most forceful federal affirmative action program to increase minority hiring. Proposed by his secretary of labor, George Schultz, the Philadelphia Plan required construction firms contracting with the federal government to consider goals and timetables to increase the hiring of minority workers. It also led to the employment of minority-owned businesses in construction subcontracting. Although historians suggest that Nixon’s support for the plan was a political calculation to divide African Americans and organized labor (two important components of the Democratic Party), it set the stage for future work-related quota systems. Nixon also supported the 1969 creation of the Office of Minority Business Enterprise, a moderately successful program that aided minority owned businesses. Women’s issues also gained attention as the feminist movement continued to expand and demand social change. Nixon opposed abortion and vetoed a comprehensive child develop – ment bill that would have created a national day care system, but he signed Title IX into law. Part of a larger education bill, it banned the exclusion of women and girls from any aspect of education programs, thus spurring a surge in funding for women’s athletic programs at all levels. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 417 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.1  Nixon’s America Youth gained another benefit under Nixon with the ratification of the 26th Amendment to the Constitution, lowering the voting age from 21 to 18. The fact that 18-year-olds could be drafted to fight in Vietnam, even though they could not vote, provided momentum for the change. When Ohio’s legislature became the deciding vote to ratify the amendment on June 30, 1971, Nixon declared, “For more than 20 years, I have advocated the 18-year-old vote. I heartily congratulate our young citizens on having gained this right” (Nixon, 1971, p. 793). Other programs more associated with liberal politics also received a boost during Nixon’s presidency. Old-age pensions under Social Security, the food stamp program, and low-income housing assistance all grew, and he supported Congress in enacting a billion-dollar college tuition program under the Pell Grant. Inflation and Economic Crisis An economic crisis and energy shortage, underway just as Nixon settled into his presidency, also forced him to intervene in the economy in ways counter to his campaign rhetoric. As the 1970s dawned, American dominance in the world economy began to lag, and it would con – tinue to decline across the decade. Inflation and unemployment both rose above 6% in 1970 while economic growth slowed, creating a condition known as stagflation . Manufacturing also declined so that for the first time in more than a century the United States imported more goods than it exported. Foreign nations held more U.S. currency than national gold reserves, effectively meaning that dollars were no longer backed by gold. Nixon responded by canceling the convertibility of U.S. currency to gold and placing a 90-day freeze on wages and prices in hopes of halting the inflation spike. With a 10% surcharge on imported goods, he aimed to stabilize the trade imbalance. All these measures allowed the government to stimulate the economy without increasing inflation, which generally occurs when consumer demand for products is greater than their supply. Seen as the hero of the moment, Nixon’s popularity surged. Gas Lines and Speed Limits Skyrocketing energy prices proved to be a crisis Nixon could not control, however, and their relentless rise intensified stagflation. Economic growth after World War II was hugely reliant on an abundance of cheap energy from coal-fired power plants and oil. Domestic production of oil was substantial but could not fulfill the rapidly increasing demand from large automo – biles and energy-inefficient construction. However, oil from the Middle East filled the gap so inexpensively that the United States was soon consuming a third of the world’s oil and coal resources. A sharp reduction in that overseas oil supply in the fall of 1973 caught the United States flat footed. Conflict between oil-producing Arab nations and Israel erupted into the brief Yom Kippur War in October, and America’s unilateral support for Israel prompted Middle East bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 418 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.1  Nixon’s America oil producers to halt U.S. shipments. The embargo lasted through March 1974 and produced lasting impacts on industrialized nations around the world, including movements for energy independence and conservation. Across America gasoline prices doubled, and shortages meant drivers endured long lines to fill their tanks. Nixon quickly imposed price controls and, in an attempt to increase the fuel efficiency of cars and trucks, replaced state-regulated 65- to 80-mile-per-hour speed limits with a federal 55-mile-per-hour speed limit on highways. In many states gasoline ration – ing involved an odd–even system; those with license plates ending in an odd number were allowed to purchase gas on odd-numbered days of the month and drivers with even-num – bered plates on even-numbered days. The crisis raised concerns about overall energy conservation and the environment as well. Major auto manufacturers began introducing smaller, more fuel-efficient vehicles, including the Ford Pinto and the Chevrolet Chevette. Environmental Protection The energy crisis gave a boost to an already grow – ing environmental movement, and activists gained credibility for their concerns about the effects of industrial pollution on human health. Early in the 20th century, a conservation movement had empha – sized the managed use of natural resources and the creation of national parks to preserve spectacular natural places (see Chapter 5). The new environ – mentalists focused more on the detrimental impact of chemicals and pesticides, as Rachel Carson out – lined in her book Silent Spring (see Chapter 12). As the movement gained momentum and support in the late 1960s, millions of Americans celebrated the first Earth Day on April 22, 1970. Nixon responded to activists’ calls by creating the Environmental Protection Agency in 1970. Announcing the sweeping environmental leg – islation in his State of the Union address, Nixon declared, “Clean air, clean water, open spaces— these should once again be the birthright of every American” (as cited in Daynes & Sussman, 2010, p. 69). A Clean Air Act followed, inaugurating fed – eral controls over air pollution. Nixon opposed the Clean Water Act of 1972, but Congress overrode his veto and passed it into law. Hulton Archive/Getty Images Crowds gathered around the nation on April 22, 1970, to celebrate the first Earth Day. This group in New York brought attention to conservation awareness. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 419 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.1  Nixon’s America Nixon and the World Nixon’s domestic policies puzzled and angered many conservatives, and although the presi – dent regarded foreign affairs as his strength, Republican conservatives also worried that his policies in that realm were too indulgent on major Cold War concerns. Nevertheless, as a Republican he was able to avoid being labeled soft on communism, unlike his Democratic predecessors. Throughout the Cold War, Republicans consistently labeled Democrats as inca – pable in foreign affairs and especially unable to meet the Communist threat. Nixon adopted a multipolar philosophy, meaning that he thought the United States should evolve from its bipolar view of the world (i.e., a division between the United States and the Soviet Union) to embrace wider concerns on the world stage at the same time. Nixon did not simply focus on Vietnam during his presidency; there were other relevant actors on the inter – national front, and Nixon wanted to recognize and develop stronger ties with them (Litwak, 1984). One of the most important for him was China. China China was the world’s most populous nation, but previous U.S. leaders had expressed little interest in establishing political ties or even recognizing the legitimacy of Mao Tse-tung, the president of the People’s Republic of China from 1949. Although China was Communist, Nixon and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger hoped it might become an ally in the ongoing disagree – ments with the Soviet Union. Nixon believed that his own personal presence would go a long way in achieving this goal. He became the first American president to visit China when he met with Mao in February 1972. As a result of the meeting, the two nations reopened trade, began scientific and cultural exchanges, and established liaison offices in Washington, D.C., and Peking (now Beijing). By 1979 these offices became full-fledged embassies. Nixon promoted his visit as the “week that changed the world” (as cited in MacMillan, 2008, p. xxi). Recent historians concur that it was one of the most significant moments of the modern era (MacMillan, 2008). Nixon’s Cold War The USSR remained America’s principal threat, however. Reprising his China strategy, Nixon reached out to the Soviets by accepting their invitation to a summit. He already had experi – ence in this area, such as his famous Kitchen Debate with Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev in 1959, and he believed he understood the cultural divide between the two countries. In 1972 Nixon shared a cordial dinner with Soviet Premier Leonid Brezhnev, images of which helped temper the notion that the Soviets were evil enemies and ushered in a new era called détente . The term signified an open relationship and a relaxing of the tension that had characterized the two superpowers’ interactions since World War II. Nixon emphasized a new era of nego – tiation and a goal to control the growing stockpiles of nuclear weapons. Called the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, the1972 negotiations resulted in the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty , which limited antiballistic missiles and other types of missile launchers. Both the United bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 420 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.1  Nixon’s America States and the Soviet Union agreed to a limit of 100 antiballistic missiles each. Controlling nuclear weaponry became the centerpiece of Nixon’s negotiation tactics, the cornerstone of his efforts at détente, and the main achievement of his first term (Garthoff, 1994). Watergate Nixon’s downfall began with a series of events during the maliciously run 1972 presiden – tial campaign that pitted him against George McGovern, a Democratic senator from South Dakota. McGovern campaigned as an antiwar extreme liberal and enjoyed little support, even within his own party. He had gained the nomination largely because of disarray in the Democratic Party. Although in the end Nixon won with a large majority—earning nearly 61% of the popular vote and 520 electors—he pursued a very negative campaign against McGovern. The election was the first in which 18- to 20-year-olds could vote, and the president believed McGovern’s Technology in America: Communication Satellites and GPS In 1945 science-fiction writer Arthur C. Clarke published an article with a central question: “Can rocket stations give world-wide radio coverage?” His dream was for human-made satellites to ring the Earth in orbit, but he thought rocket technology would not advance far enough to launch a device into space for several decades. Instead, just 12 years later, the Soviet Union launched Sputnik, the first artificial Earth satellite, and the space race began. While one aspect of this space race was the development of Apollo, the American space program that took astronauts to the moon, another result was the establishment of a com – mercial satellite industry. In 1962 Congress passed the Communications Satellite Act and created the American Communications Satellite Corporation, or Comsat, which was owned jointly by several large telecommunications companies. Meanwhile, NASA developed rock – ets to lift satellites into space, and engineers designed them to carry voice, data, telegraph, facsimile, data, and television transmissions. Delta rockets launched the 85-pound satellites in the 1960s, while a more powerful Atlas-Centaur rocket began launching 1,600-pound sat – ellites in the 1970s and almost 3,000-pound satellites by the 1980s. The increased weight meant vastly improved and enhanced capabilities. One very important component of these satellites was the abilit y of a person on Earth to use them to exactly pinpoint his or her position. The Global Positioning System (GPS) began in the early 1970s, with satellite tracking of specific locations on Earth. The system became a key component of international defense and was used to map remote areas of the Earth. Today it has evolved to a personal tool on common smart phones that has the power to essentially locate and identif y any person or place on Earth. For further reading, see: Dawson, V. P., Bowles, M. D. (2004). Taming liquid hydrogen: The Centaur upper stage rocket, 1958–2002 . Washington, D.C.: National Aeronautics and Space Administration. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 421 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.1  Nixon’s America antiwar message would resonate with the youth vote. A series of so-called dirty tricks there – fore set the tone for the election. An event illustrating the spiteful campaign tactics occurred as McGovern prepared to address a crowd at a suburban Detroit high school. As the Democratic candidate tried to speak, a group of elementary school children circled the hall, pasting Nixon bumper stickers on the wall and singing “Nixon Now More than Ever.” The crowd grew hostile and began shouting at the children, fully disrupting the event (Mason, 2004). It is not clear if the Nixon campaign was behind the incident, but rumors placed it among one of the campaign’s antics. Democrats decried this and other despicable tactics, but it was the Watergate burglary that brought a criminal element into the presidential contest. On June 17, 1972, five men broke into the Democratic National Committee’s office in the Watergate Hotel and office building in Washington, D.C., apparently looking for information that might help Nixon win the election. One of the men, James McCord, was a member of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CREEP), and the others were operatives from Nixon’s plumber squad who undertook illegal or unethical actions in support of Nixon. Nixon disavowed any ties to the incident, but two Washington Post reporters, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, investigated and began publishing stories that clearly showed individuals close to the president ordered the break-in and helped cover it up. During a trial of the Watergate conspirators in January 1973, CREEP security director McCord and another operative were convicted of conspiracy, burglary, and wiretapping. In a letter to the trial judge in March, McCord revealed illegal wiretapping activities conducted by White House advisor John Ehrlichman, Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman, and Attorney General Richard Kleindienst. The most highly implicated member of the president’s circle was former Nixon attorney gen – eral John Mitchell, who had resigned in 1972 to manage Nixon’s reelection campaign and also served as the director of CREEP. In the wake of McCord’s accusations, members of Nixon’s staff began resigning their positions. But investigators and the American people still won – dered how far up the chain of command these illegal activities extended. Congress convened a Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, and by May 1973 the televised investigation of the Watergate conspiracy transfixed the nation. Among the most damning evidence was testimony from John Dean, Nixon’s White House counsel, who clearly implicated the president in the Watergate cover-up. Apparently, the president recorded all Oval Office conversations, and the Senate investigators sought them out as evidence. Knowing the tapes would clearly incriminate him in the scandal, and to prevent their release, Nixon claimed executive privilege as his reason for not revealing their existence. After a year – long Supreme Court battle, the justices ruled in 1974 that Nixon had to release the tapes. Upon listening to the tapes, investigators discovered that someone had erased 18 key minutes from one of them. The White House/Associated Press Rather than face impeachment, Nixon chose to resign on August 9, 1974. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 422 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.2  A Decade of Discontent antiwar message would resonate with the youth vote. A series of so-called dirty tricks there – fore set the tone for the election. An event illustrating the spiteful campaign tactics occurred as McGovern prepared to address a crowd at a suburban Detroit high school. As the Democratic candidate tried to speak, a group of elementary school children circled the hall, pasting Nixon bumper stickers on the wall and singing “Nixon Now More than Ever.” The crowd grew hostile and began shouting at the children, fully disrupting the event (Mason, 2004). It is not clear if the Nixon campaign was behind the incident, but rumors placed it among one of the campaign’s antics. Democrats decried this and other despicable tactics, but it was the Watergate burglary that brought a criminal element into the presidential contest. On June 17, 1972, five men broke into the Democratic National Committee’s office in the Watergate Hotel and office building in Washington, D.C., apparently looking for information that might help Nixon win the election. One of the men, James McCord, was a member of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CREEP), and the others were operatives from Nixon’s plumber squad who undertook illegal or unethical actions in support of Nixon. Nixon disavowed any ties to the incident, but two Washington Post reporters, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, investigated and began publishing stories that clearly showed individuals close to the president ordered the break-in and helped cover it up. During a trial of the Watergate conspirators in January 1973, CREEP security director McCord and another operative were convicted of conspiracy, burglary, and wiretapping. In a letter to the trial judge in March, McCord revealed illegal wiretapping activities conducted by White House advisor John Ehrlichman, Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman, and Attorney General Richard Kleindienst. The most highly implicated member of the president’s circle was former Nixon attorney gen – eral John Mitchell, who had resigned in 1972 to manage Nixon’s reelection campaign and also served as the director of CREEP. In the wake of McCord’s accusations, members of Nixon’s staff began resigning their positions. But investigators and the American people still won – dered how far up the chain of command these illegal activities extended. Congress convened a Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, and by May 1973 the televised investigation of the Watergate conspiracy transfixed the nation. Among the most damning evidence was testimony from John Dean, Nixon’s White House counsel, who clearly implicated the president in the Watergate cover-up. Apparently, the president recorded all Oval Office conversations, and the Senate investigators sought them out as evidence. Knowing the tapes would clearly incriminate him in the scandal, and to prevent their release, Nixon claimed executive privilege as his reason for not revealing their existence. After a year – long Supreme Court battle, the justices ruled in 1974 that Nixon had to release the tapes. Upon listening to the tapes, investigators discovered that someone had erased 18 key minutes from one of them. The White House/Associated Press Rather than face impeachment, Nixon chose to resign on August 9, 1974. Nevertheless, the material remaining on the tapes revealed that Nixon was corrupt and had manipulated the CIA, FBI, Pentagon, and even his own Secret Service detail (Woodward & Bernstein, 2005). The House Judiciary Committee voted several days later to recommend the impeachment of Nixon for obstruction of justice. On August 9, 1974, before Congress met to vote on the impeachment, Nixon resigned from office. As a result of the scandal, many Ameri – cans lost faith and trust in career poli – ticians, and to some degree all elected officials. The Republican Party in par – ticular suffered from distrust and a lack of support in subsequent elec – tions, and the nation began to look toward candidates labeled as political outsiders, with little Washington experience. Along with seriously damaging the nation’s psyche, the term Water – gate also entered into the American lexicon. Today anytime a political or celebrity scandal makes news, reporters often give it a name with the suffix -gate (Safire, 2008). 13.2 A Decade of Discontent After the Watergate affair, a series of Senate hearings convened to consider the potential con – stitutional crisis created when Nixon lied and misused executive privilege. Headed by Idaho senator Frank Church, they revealed a long history of government misuse of domestic intel – ligence. The Church Committee uncovered evidence that since the beginning of the Cold War, the FBI and CIA had spied on millions of Americans as well as foreign nationals. It uncov – ered attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro and other foreign leaders, as well as a government attempt to halt the civil rights movement. In the wake of the revelations, Congress formed permanent oversight committees to oversee intelligence agencies, but Americans nevertheless grew ever more cynical about their govern – ment. The discontent only grew as a new and inexperienced president faced a series of eco – nomic problems, including rising unemployment, continuing trade imbalances, and climbing energy prices. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 423 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.2  A Decade of Discontent Ford, the Unelected President Gerald R. Ford is the only man to serve as both vice president and president without being elected by the Electoral College. A year before Nixon’s resignation, a grand jury had indicted Vice President Spiro Agnew for income tax fraud resulting from receiving inappropriate gifts; he later pleaded no contest, accepting the charge but not admitting guilt. In the wake of the scandal, the vice president resigned on October 10, 1973. For the first time, Congress implemented the vice president replacement clause of the 25th Amendment, nominating a replacement for Agnew. Ford, a Republican representative from Michigan and minority leader of the House of Representa – tives, was confirmed by a vote of both houses of Congress and took Agnew’s place on December 6. When Nixon left office, Ford assumed the presi – dency. He served a short 30-month term in which he tried to restore dignity to the office, proclaim – ing that the “long national nightmare is over.” He also cautioned that “I am a Ford, not a Lincoln . . . I promise my fellow citizens only this: to uphold the Constitution . . . to do the very best I can for Amer – ica” (as cited in Brinkley, 2007, p. 53). The main question Ford faced was to address the ongoing criminal charges against the former presi – dent. Hoping to put the matter firmly in the past and concerned about Nixon’s ailing health, Ford issued a presidential pardon, saving him from indictment and trial. Although Ford assured the American peo – ple that he had not made any special deals to gain office (Updegrove, 2008), in the wake of the Nixon pardon, many questioned that claim. Carter and Economic Crisis The 1976 election pitted the Republican incumbent president Ford against the Democratic former governor of Georgia, Jimmy Carter. Carter effectively positioned himself as the voice of change by criticizing the Republican Party for its failings in Watergate and by pointing out the Ford administration’s lingering ties to it. He spoke with a soft southern accent, wore car – digan sweaters, and used plain language in his speeches. Carter’s earthy qualities appealed to American voters, and he won the election with his emphasis on his born-again Christian lifestyle, a promise of nuclear disarmament, and most of all, a commitment to truth in govern – ment (Morris, 1997). The election was also the first to operate under rules set by the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1974. Aiming to protect against the abuses revealed in the Watergate scandal, Congress © Bettmann/Corbis Gerald Ford (right) became the 38th president following Nixon’s resignation in August 1974. During his short presidency he maintained most of Nixon’s cabinet, including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (left). bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 424 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.2  A Decade of Discontent created public financing of presidential campaigns to reduce the exchange of campaign dona – tions for political favors. The act also established the Federal Election Commission as an inde – pendent regulatory agency. Candidates found ways around restrictions, though. Many donors formed political action committees to funnel money to candidates and issues. In Buckley v. Valeo in January 1976, the Supreme Court also ruled that restricting campaign spending restricted free speech, allowing corporations, labor unions, and interest groups to funnel money to particular candidates. As a Washington outsider, Carter appeared to be above much of the usual political wrangling. Initially, Carter’s persona was endearing to the American public. He delivered his first nation – ally televised fireside chat in front of a real fire, wearing his trademark cardigan sweater to symbolize how he was conserving energy and lowering the White House heating bills. Using a tone unlike any president in known memory, he told the nation, “Tonight I want to have an unpleasant talk with you about a problem unprecedented in our history. . . . The energy crisis has not yet overwhelmed us, but it will do if we not act quickly” (as cited in Leuchtenburg, 2001, p. 199). His election elated advocates of evangelical Chris – tianity, including Jerry Falwell’s supporters. Cart – er’s openness about his Christian beliefs did much to bring religion to the forefront of American politics, but the Religious Right was soon disap – pointed. Carter’s personal beliefs did not invade his political decisions and positions. He did not denounce the Democratic Party’s pro-choice stance on abortion, for example, and did not act to bridge the long-standing divide between church and state. Those looking for a candidate willing to enact their moral agenda would not support Carter for reelection in 1980. While the Religious Right believed Carter was too permissive on social issues, liberals con – demned him for his conservative economic poli – cies. Double-digit inflation continued to plague the nation, and instead of supporting programs to restart the Great Society, Carter’s plan to curb climbing prices and wage stagnation involved the deregulation of major industries, including tele – communications, airlines, and railroads. Taking a hands-off approach, Carter believed, would let the market provide improved services and lower prices. The policy initially eased the economic cri – sis, and unemployment fell from 7.5% to 5.6% by May 1979. The energy crisis that escalated in 1979 reversed the upward trend, however. © Bettmann/Corbis Capitalizing on his folksy persona, President Jimmy Carter delivered fireside chats to the nation in front of a White House fireplace. He often wore an informal cardigan rather than a traditional business suit. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 425 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.3  Conservatism Ascendant Carter’s rescue of the failing Chrysler Corporation in 1979 illustrates the impact of policies when he did intervene. In this case his action drew the ire of organized labor and decreased the buying power of the working class. Chrysler’s outmoded auto plants had led the automaker to fall behind the Japanese in both production and design, and it was standing at the brink of bankruptcy. Lee Iaccoca, the auto – maker’s CEO, sought a federal bailout in the form of a billion-dollar government loan guaran – tee. In exchange for the loans, federal officials demanded that Chrysler’s unionized workers accept wage cuts and other concessions. At the end of the bailout, Chrysler made record prof – its, but the wage rollbacks remained in place. It marked the first of many wage concessions that eventually affected nearly every unionized industry. Carter drew more anger from the left with his appointment of conservative Wall Street banker Paul Volcker to head the Federal Reserve. Volcker opposed an infusion of government spending like those that had helped the nation overcome previous economic downturns, and instead pursued a policy of monetarism , which reduced the money supply and allowed inter – est rates to rise. The policy eventually reduced inflation, but by the early 1980s interests rates were as high as 20%. The cost of durable goods such as cars and trucks continued to rise, and the high interest rates made it even harder for many Americans to make large purchases. The value of the dollar overseas rose, reducing profits on exports. A major restructuring of American manufactur – ing followed, leading to plant closings and layoffs, especially in midwestern “rustbelt” states where steel, rubber, and electronic production once ruled. The process was impossible to stop once underway, and by 1982 the unemployment rate topped 11% (Stein, 2010). Carter can hardly bear the sole blame for the economic troubles, however; his successor, Ronald Reagan, who took office in 1980, reappointed Volcker to chair the Federal Reserve. 13.3 Conservatism Ascendant The rise of a popular conservatism engaged more than just the evangelicals who made up the Religious Right. Major events of the 1970s, including the Vietnam War, the energy crisis, and the Iranian hostage crisis, prompted a general sense of alienation and distrust of government. Believing that their voices counted for little, some Americans withdrew from the electoral process. Voter turnout decreased from above 60% in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s to around 50% in the 1980s (see Table 13.1). This was especially true of the working class, the working poor, and those with less than a high school education. Many working-class Americans, once the backbone of the Democratic Party, came to view electoral politics as ineffective and having little impact on their lives. As they disappeared from the electoral rolls, college graduates and the more affluent helped shift politics toward the right. Table 13.1: Shrinking voter turnout Turnout in national elections Percentage of eligible voters 1940 62.5 1952 63.8 1960 62.8 1964 61.9 1968 60.9 1972 55.2 1976 53.6 1980 52.8 1984 53.1 1988 50.2 Source: Teixeira, 1992. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 426 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.3  Conservatism Ascendant Carter’s rescue of the failing Chrysler Corporation in 1979 illustrates the impact of policies when he did intervene. In this case his action drew the ire of organized labor and decreased the buying power of the working class. Chrysler’s outmoded auto plants had led the automaker to fall behind the Japanese in both production and design, and it was standing at the brink of bankruptcy. Lee Iaccoca, the auto – maker’s CEO, sought a federal bailout in the form of a billion-dollar government loan guaran – tee. In exchange for the loans, federal officials demanded that Chrysler’s unionized workers accept wage cuts and other concessions. At the end of the bailout, Chrysler made record prof – its, but the wage rollbacks remained in place. It marked the first of many wage concessions that eventually affected nearly every unionized industry. Carter drew more anger from the left with his appointment of conservative Wall Street banker Paul Volcker to head the Federal Reserve. Volcker opposed an infusion of government spending like those that had helped the nation overcome previous economic downturns, and instead pursued a policy of monetarism , which reduced the money supply and allowed inter – est rates to rise. The policy eventually reduced inflation, but by the early 1980s interests rates were as high as 20%. The cost of durable goods such as cars and trucks continued to rise, and the high interest rates made it even harder for many Americans to make large purchases. The value of the dollar overseas rose, reducing profits on exports. A major restructuring of American manufactur – ing followed, leading to plant closings and layoffs, especially in midwestern “rustbelt” states where steel, rubber, and electronic production once ruled. The process was impossible to stop once underway, and by 1982 the unemployment rate topped 11% (Stein, 2010). Carter can hardly bear the sole blame for the economic troubles, however; his successor, Ronald Reagan, who took office in 1980, reappointed Volcker to chair the Federal Reserve. 13.3 Conservatism Ascendant The rise of a popular conservatism engaged more than just the evangelicals who made up the Religious Right. Major events of the 1970s, including the Vietnam War, the energy crisis, and the Iranian hostage crisis, prompted a general sense of alienation and distrust of government. Believing that their voices counted for little, some Americans withdrew from the electoral process. Voter turnout decreased from above 60% in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s to around 50% in the 1980s (see Table 13.1). This was especially true of the working class, the working poor, and those with less than a high school education. Many working-class Americans, once the backbone of the Democratic Party, came to view electoral politics as ineffective and having little impact on their lives. As they disappeared from the electoral rolls, college graduates and the more affluent helped shift politics toward the right. Table 13.1: Shrinking voter turnout Turnout in national elections Percentage of eligible voters 1940 62.5 1952 63.8 1960 62.8 1964 61.9 1968 60.9 1972 55.2 1976 53.6 1980 52.8 1984 53.1 1988 50.2 Source: Teixeira, 1992. The New Right that emerged differed from the older brand of conservatism, which had focused on an overactive federal government and Com – munist infiltration. New Right leaders, includ – ing Jerry Falwell, George Will, and Supreme Court Chief Justice William Rehnquist, believed that American values and institutions were in jeopardy. Secularization confronted Christian – ity, while alternative families headed by women challenged the father-centered nuclear family unit, and those who had protested the Vietnam War continued to question what it meant to be a patriotic American. The New Right was also concerned with issues of abortion, pornography, and school prayer, and many rallied vocally in opposition to the Equal Rights Amendment (see below). In responding to many of these issues, the New Right aimed to mobilize political movements against feminist ideas, abortion, secular culture, and government social programs. Their campaigns against these threats attracted new adherents, including southern Whites, Catholics, and some blue-col – lar workers. The movement, strengthened by a series of political struggles that gripped the nation, gained momentum as the 1980 election neared. The Iranian Crisis Around the same time, in 1979 a revolution in Iran overthrew the shah of Iran’s U.S.- supported government and replaced him with the Ayatollah Khomeini, a religious cleric whose theocratic policies were in stark opposition to the shah’s Westernized ones. In 1953, during Eisenhower’s presidency, the United States supported the installation of the shah, believing he would respond with sympathy to the needs of America and the Western world. Through CIA operatives, the United States supplied the Shah with weapons and helped train his secret police. For those who opposed the shah and his policies, the American embassy and U.S. citizens seemed to be legitimate targets for attack. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 427 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.3  Conservatism Ascendant On November 4, 1979, militants attacked the U.S. embassy in the Ira – nian capital of Tehran, capturing 66 Americans who worked there. Fourteen hostages, including women, African American men, and an ill White man were released, leaving 52 to endure long-term captivity. Over the course of the next 444 days, American politi – cians struggled to secure the hostages’ release. Among the demands of the Ira – nians was the return of the shah—who was at that time in the United States seeking medical treatment for termi – nal cancer—to face justice in Iran, and an apology from the United States for its involvement in Iran, including the installation of the shah. Carter and his advisors were not willing to concede to any of these demands. Nightline , a new type of specialized television news program hosted by Ted Koppel, began broadcasting four days into the crisis and helped direct the nation’s focus each night to events that had transpired in Iran the previous day. Over the course of the long ordeal, the American people began a tradition of hanging yellow ribbons as a reminder of the hostages, and as time went on the ribbons began to symbolize Carter’s inability to return them (Farber, 2004). His efforts included a failed rescue attempt code-named Operation Eagle Claw, which resulted in eight American deaths and the loss of expensive aircraft. Five helicopters attempted the rescue, but a miscalculation of fuel consumption resulted in disaster. Finally, a resolution came on January 19, 1981, with the signing of the Algiers Accords; 2 days later, literally min – utes after Carter left office, the Iranian militants released all the hostages. Tax Revolts and School Busing While events in Iran attracted daily national attention, on the domestic front conflicts also multiplied. Southern school desegregation was largely an accomplished fact by the 1970s, even though racial antipathy was never completely erased in the region. In northern cities, however, segregated schools persisted due to the separation of African Americans and Whites into different neighborhoods. A movement to increase the racial and ethnic diversity of urban schools in the North resulted in court-ordered desegregation and led to tension as parents and communities fought the forced busing of students to schools outside their neighborhood. Desegregation through bus – ing often benefited African American students, who gained opportunities to study at resource- rich schools in White working-class neighborhoods. White working-class families protested loudly, helping push more to support the New Right. © Bettmann/Corbis On the first day of their captivity during the Iran hostage crisis, the American hostages were blindfolded and paraded around by their captors. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 428 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.3  Conservatism Ascendant The most virulent opposition to busing took place in Boston school districts. In 1975, after a long legal struggle, a federal district judge ordered the mandatory busing of students from the African American Roxbury neighborhood to South Boston. When African American stu – dents tried to integrate the largely White schools, they faced angry residents, screaming, and threats of violence. During the first year, racial tensions escalated. Many staged boycotts or kept their children home out of fear of violence. Unrest spread so that anyone of color might face attack. A Haitian maintenance man on his way to pick his wife up from work was pulled from his car and severely beaten and kicked. The attack ended only when a policeman fired his weapon into the air (Formisano, 2004). Even White residents who tried to comply with the desegregation order faced derision. One White mother of three students wrote to Judge W. A. Garrity, who had ordered desegregation, “I’m terrified 24 hours a day,” and “living in a nightmare.” Reminding the judge that children’s lives were being deeply affected, she went on to observe, “I never thought a lot of people I see in church so often were so unchristian like, it truly hurts, and makes the job of being a par – ent so much harder” (as cited in Formisano, 2004, p. ix). To avoid integration, nearly 20,000 White students left Boston public schools, with many White families fleeing to the suburbs. The Boston neighborhoods they left refilled with largely African American and Latino resi – dents, making integration untenable. Conservative ideology also fed a series of tax revolts in which citizens sought relief from high tax burdens and to defund what many viewed as wasteful government spending on education, welfare, and other social programs. One of the earliest examples was in Califor – nia, where homeowners facing rapidly rising property taxes and the decade’s double-digit inflation mobilized to limit property taxes and at the same time to deeply cut government spending. Proposition 13, also known as the People’s Initiative to Limit Property Taxation, passed in 1978. It relieved property owners of onerous tax burdens and restricted the abil – ity of the legislature to make more than a 2% increase in a homeowner’s property taxes each year. Proposition 13 inspired antitax campaigns in multiple states. Although those who supported tax reforms rarely opposed specific government-funded agencies or programs, more and more began to view themselves as self-interested taxpayers who needed to keep a watchful eye on government spending (O’Sullivan, Sexton, & Sheffrin, 1995). Feminist Politics and the Abortion Debate In addition, this time period also saw a large number of new conservatives become engaged with moral and cultural questions regarding the role of women in society and the status of homosexuals. A series of important issues drove the New Right agenda on issues of gender, including abortion, the Equal Rights Amendment, and the growing movement for gay and lesbian rights. The issue of abortion came to the forefront in 1973 with the Supreme Court ruling in Roe v. Wade , which supported the feminist position that government prohibitions against medical abortion both violated a woman’s right to privacy and were unenforceable. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 429 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.3  Conservatism Ascendant Feminism and abortion became linked in the minds of antiabortion forces across the country, even though most women who sought the medical procedure were not feminists. Catholics, evangelical Protestants, and other New Right activists organized demonstrations, picketing outside abortion clinics and risking arrest to brand the procedure and the doctors who performed it as immoral. This antiabortion movement faced an equally determined pro- choice pushback from those who argued that a woman’s right to choose an abortion was private and not the business of the government. With support from the National Organization for Women and other feminist groups and their allies, the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the Constitution, which passed both houses of Congress in 1972, became another almost constant source of controversy through the 1970s. First proposed by women’s rights activists in the 1920s, it stated simply, “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex” (as cited in Epstein & Walk, 2012, p. 653). It supported the new social and economic roles that women were rapidly assuming and guaranteed their equal access at all levels of society. Male-dominated institutions, including colleges, military academies, and federal- and state-supported agencies, would have to open their doors to women. Feminist groups such as NOW made ratification a top priority but also realized that support – ers would need more time to gain support for full equality of the sexes. At its 1978 annual meeting, the group circulated a document that declared “a State of Emergency for the National Organization for Women in which we turn all our resources to the ratification effort and to extension of the deadline for ratification an additional seven years” (as cited in Keetley & Pettegrew, 2002, p. 258). Although many Republicans had once supported the ERA, New Right conservatives fought back with a vengeance. A countermovement headed by conservative leaders, including Phyllis Schlafly and Jerry Falwell, mobilized the opposition. Combining the assault against both Roe and the ERA, New Right antifeminists argued that both threatened the traditional family, and especially housewives. Schlafly argued that the ERA would lead to unisex toilets and pregnant women in military combat. She and a growing number of conservatives came to view the ERA as a fundamental rejection of women’s traditional roles and an attempt to allow government intervention in the family. Somewhat hypocritically, the same conservatives supported legal restrictions on abor – tion based on the same assumption that it distorted the traditional family (Wolbrecht, 2010). Gay Pride and the AIDS Crisis The surge of gay pride and homosexual activism following the 1969 Stonewall Riots (see Chapter 12) offered another source of controversy. In many urban areas gays and lesbians built a distinct counterculture and openly expressed their sexual orientation. Gay and lesbian bars, newspapers, magazines, and political and social groups provided platforms for public expression. Gays became important voting blocs in some cities, and books and movies began to reveal their rich and important contributions to American life. A movement to end dis – crimination on the basis of sexual orientation gained ground, horrifying many evangelical Christians. In 1973 the American Psychological Association declassified homosexuality as a mental disorder. © Roger Ressmeyer/Corbis Marchers in the 1977 Gay Freedom Day parade hold a sign protesting Anita Bryant’s antigay campaign. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 430 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.4  The Reagan Era Feminism and abortion became linked in the minds of antiabortion forces across the country, even though most women who sought the medical procedure were not feminists. Catholics, evangelical Protestants, and other New Right activists organized demonstrations, picketing outside abortion clinics and risking arrest to brand the procedure and the doctors who performed it as immoral. This antiabortion movement faced an equally determined pro- choice pushback from those who argued that a woman’s right to choose an abortion was private and not the business of the government. With support from the National Organization for Women and other feminist groups and their allies, the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the Constitution, which passed both houses of Congress in 1972, became another almost constant source of controversy through the 1970s. First proposed by women’s rights activists in the 1920s, it stated simply, “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex” (as cited in Epstein & Walk, 2012, p. 653). It supported the new social and economic roles that women were rapidly assuming and guaranteed their equal access at all levels of society. Male-dominated institutions, including colleges, military academies, and federal- and state-supported agencies, would have to open their doors to women. Feminist groups such as NOW made ratification a top priority but also realized that support – ers would need more time to gain support for full equality of the sexes. At its 1978 annual meeting, the group circulated a document that declared “a State of Emergency for the National Organization for Women in which we turn all our resources to the ratification effort and to extension of the deadline for ratification an additional seven years” (as cited in Keetley & Pettegrew, 2002, p. 258). Although many Republicans had once supported the ERA, New Right conservatives fought back with a vengeance. A countermovement headed by conservative leaders, including Phyllis Schlafly and Jerry Falwell, mobilized the opposition. Combining the assault against both Roe and the ERA, New Right antifeminists argued that both threatened the traditional family, and especially housewives. Schlafly argued that the ERA would lead to unisex toilets and pregnant women in military combat. She and a growing number of conservatives came to view the ERA as a fundamental rejection of women’s traditional roles and an attempt to allow government intervention in the family. Somewhat hypocritically, the same conservatives supported legal restrictions on abor – tion based on the same assumption that it distorted the traditional family (Wolbrecht, 2010). Gay Pride and the AIDS Crisis The surge of gay pride and homosexual activism following the 1969 Stonewall Riots (see Chapter 12) offered another source of controversy. In many urban areas gays and lesbians built a distinct counterculture and openly expressed their sexual orientation. Gay and lesbian bars, newspapers, magazines, and political and social groups provided platforms for public expression. Gays became important voting blocs in some cities, and books and movies began to reveal their rich and important contributions to American life. A movement to end dis – crimination on the basis of sexual orientation gained ground, horrifying many evangelical Christians. In 1973 the American Psychological Association declassified homosexuality as a mental disorder. © Roger Ressmeyer/Corbis Marchers in the 1977 Gay Freedom Day parade hold a sign protesting Anita Bryant’s antigay campaign. Unimpressed, members of the New Right lashed out at so-called homosexual perversion. In 1977 singer and former Miss America runner-up Anita Bry – ant joined the Religious Right’s condemnation of homosexuality when she spoke out against a local ordinance in Florida that barred discrimination based on sexual preference. She publicly denounced homosexuals’ claim to minority group status and warned against allowing gays to teach children lest their “depravity” engulf their pupils. Expressing the belief of many conservatives, Bryant portrayed the gay lifestyle as a choice: “Homosexuals, unlike Jews and blacks, choose their status, have not been persecuted or enslaved, and are set apart by their behavior rather than their ethnic heritage” (as cited in Kalman, 2010, p. 257). But gays and lesbians were persecuted, and the hostility against them intensified when acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) began to spread rapidly through large urban communities of male homosexuals. The disease emerged around 1980, and within 10 years more than 100,000 Americans had died and more than 2 million were infected with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) that causes AIDS. Although AIDS afflicted both gay and straight Americans, many (not just the New Right) viewed the suffering as moral judgment on gays. Moral Majority leader Jerry Falwell went so far as to describe AIDS as “the wrath of God upon homosexuals” (as cited in Smith, 2014, p. 53). Homophobia swept the nation, leading to an increase in physical assaults. Before long, the AIDS virus spread more widely, first among intravenous drug users and then to the het – erosexual community. Economic resources poured into AIDS research, and by the mid-1990s new medications and more moderate sexual behavior brought the disease under control and limited the numbers of new infections. 13.4 The Reagan Era The election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 marked a new era in American politics. Facing the increasingly unpopular incumbent Democrat Jimmy Carter, Reagan won nearly 51% of the popular vote and took 489 electoral votes to Carter’s 49. An actor turned politician, Reagan began his political career as a Democrat but moved toward a more conservative stance in the 1950s, even campaigning for Republican candidate Barry Goldwater in 1964. As California governor from 1967 to 1975, Reagan proved to be a controversial figure who supported the repression of student protests and the Black Panthers but signed a state bill to legalize abor – tion long before Roe v. Wade . bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 431 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.4  The Reagan Era Reagan’s presidency saw the advance of a more rigid and ideological conservatism in the Republican Party, and, at least initially, he earned wide support from voters of both parties. At 69 he was the oldest person ever elected president. Full of energy and inspiration, he wrote much of his own inaugural address, and one of the lines that resonated most with the people was the former actor’s assertion, “In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problems. Government is the problem” (as cited in Schlesinger, 2008, p. 314). He thus echoed the enduring mistrust from Watergate, and clearly many shared Reagan’s view that government was impeding progress. His plan aimed especially at attacking unnec – essary government regulation and reforming the welfare state to make individuals more responsible for their own behavior. Reagan and his vice president, George H. W. Bush, were ready to restore the public’s trust. But an unexpected challenge stood in the way when, just 69 days into Reagan’s presidency, John Hinckley Jr. waited in the shadows outside the Washington Hil – ton Hotel. Obsessed with actor Jodie Foster, Hinck – ley believed that shooting the president would make him a public figure and gain her attention. When Reagan emerged with his press secretary, James Brady, Hinckley produced a gun and began shooting. He missed the president’s heart by less than an inch and seriously wounded Brady and two others. Hinckley was found not guilty by reason of insanity and confined to a Washington area mental health hospital. With his life on the line, Reagan maintained his charismatic strength. As physicians wheeled him into the operating room to repair the damage caused by the bullet puncturing his lung, he told the chief surgeon, “I hope you’re a Republican.” The sur – geon, who was actually a Democrat, said, “Today, Mr. President, we’re all Republicans” (as cited in Kes – sler, 2009, p. 110). The president emerged from the crisis immensely popular with the American public and enjoyed an increase in power and support for his agenda. Brady, who was left permanently disabled, spent the remainder of his life campaigning in favor of gun control. In 1993 the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act mandated federal background checks on handgun purchases taking place in the United States. Reaganomics Reagan took advantage of the economic recession and international crises of the Carter years to offer his own alternative vision for the country. During his campaign he regularly asked Americans, “Are you better off now than you were four years ago?” (as cited in Bennett, 2013, p. 38). © David Pollack/Corbis During his presidential campaign Ronald Reagan often asked Americans if they were better off than they were 4 years ago. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 432 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.4  The Reagan Era He openly supported the New Right positions on abortion and school prayer, but his own active agenda focused elsewhere. With the exception of appointing Edwin Meese to form a commission investigating pornography, he took up none of the causes of concern to the Reli – gious Right. His domestic policies also ignored the growing AIDS crisis, although the disease spread rapidly throughout the 1980s. Reagan emphasized pre–Great Depression conserva – tive issues such as taxation and reducing government intervention in economic matters. As a former movie star, he appealed to many with his good sense of humor and skilled appearance on camera. Reagan’s domestic agenda began with his economic vision, called Reaganomics , or supply- side economics. He believed that the wealthiest Americans were taxed too heavily, and that this was hurting everyone by starving the economy of investment. He proposed reducing taxes, which in theory would enable wealthier Americans to reinvest in the economy and in turn create jobs for the less well-off. This was often called a trickle-down theory because, the thinking went, prosperity would literally flow from the top to the bottom of the American economic ladder. Regan began with the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, which lowered the tax rate on capi – tal gains and income from 28% to 20%, lowered the highest tax bracket from 70% to 50%, and cut personal income taxes by 25%. It was the largest tax cut in American history, and Newsweek magazine called it a “second New Deal potentially as profound in its import as the first was a half century ago” (as cited in Edwards, 2004, p. 93). The tax cuts were implemented partly to curb the effects of a new recession that plagued the United States between 1981 and 1982. Contraction of the money supply by the Federal Reserve aimed to curb rampant inflation but also resulted in high unemployment, which approached 11% in November and December 1982. The Reagan years saw the introduction of other important tax legislation to implement the president’s supply-side policies and stabilize the economy. The Tax Equity and Fiscal Respon – sibility Act of 1982 and the Deficit Reduction Act of 1984 sought to ease the ongoing recession by leaving existing tax rates in place but adjusting rates and penalties on some types of invest – ments by individuals and corporations. The Tax Reform Act of 1986 further restructured and simplified the tax code by removing some deductions and loopholes but also lowering nomi – nal tax rates for top earners and raising taxes on the poorest earners. Under this law the top income tax rate lowered significantly from 50% to 28%, while those at the bottom faced an increase from 11% to 15%. Reaganomics also included major spending cuts on social services and humanities programs. Some favorite liberal programs such as Public Broadcasting and the National Endowment for the Arts and Humanities suffered during the 1980s. However, the overall budget reductions did not last, because Reagan also authorized billions of dollars in increased governmental spending, causing the federal debt to grow larger than at any other time in history. He focused spending increases on the Department of Defense, including the Strategic Defense Initiative (Star Wars) to protect against nuclear attack. Under his watch, defense spending reached 6% of the gross domestic product, meaning defense spending accounted for a significant amount of the nation’s productivity. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 433 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 13.4  The Reagan Era The Labor Movement Under Assault Reaganomics was detrimental to organized labor and American manufacturing employment. Although union membership began to decline in the 1970s, during that decade 1 in 4 Ameri – can workers still enjoyed the benefits of collective bargaining. During Reagan’s presidency union membership dropped substantially, so that unions protected just 18% of private sector workers by 1985. Reduced membership weakened unions’ bargaining power and labor lead – ers strove fearfully to protect meager benefits and wages, making strikes almost nonexistent. The restructuring of the industrial economy was a large reason for the decline in organized labor. Seeking higher profits and lower wages, many firms closed plants in the United States and moved operations to Mexico and other developing nations where workers received little pay and there were fewer safety and environmental restrictions. A series of plant closings resulting from corporate mergers also affected many heavily union – ized industries. International competition from the Japanese and out-of-date technology forced layoffs in the steel industry. The United Steel – workers, once more than 200,000 strong at U.S. Steel Corporation alone, fell to a mere 20,000 unionized workers at a reorganized USX Corporation in 1986 (Warren, 2010). As the Japanese gained important ground in automaking, capturing one fourth of the U.S. car market by 1978, more than a half mil – lion auto workers lost jobs in northern states such as Michigan and Ohio. Ford, Chrysler, and General Motors closed old factories and opened nonunion auto plants in southern right-to-work states or in Mexico (Perrucci & Perrucci, 2009). Reagan’s economic policies fostered the flight of industrial jobs, but in the public sector he was personally responsible for a decline in union pro – tection. When 13,000 unionized federal air traffic controllers went on strike in 1981, Reagan threat – ened to fire them unless they called off what he believed to be an illegal labor action. The 11,345 members of the Professional Air Traffic Control – lers Organization (PATCO) who remained on strike found themselves out of a job, and Reagan’s con – frontation with these federal workers undermined the bargaining power of American workers and labor unions overall. Without the power to strike, unions held no power to bargain. By breaking their union, Reagan showed his tough side and moved the Republican Party even further to the right. Future party leaders invoked Reagan’s one-time action in support of their opposition to both private and public sector unionism (McCartin, 2011). Associated Press Steve Wallaert, a striking PATCO member from Virginia, was jailed for 60 days for contempt of court. PATCO commissioned this T-shirt design to show support for Wallaert. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 434 1/9/15 9:38 AM Section 13.4  The Reagan Era The “Reagan Recession” Part of the reasoning for breaking the PATCO strike was the overall impact of the so-called Reagan recession affecting the nation between 1981 and 1982. During this period, there was more unemployment in the United States than at any time since the Great Depression. The situation, including rising government debt and increasing inequality between rich and poor, became so bleak that many political commentators expected Reagan to be another one-term president (Troy, 2005). Reagan blamed the Carter administration, stating: Yes, we’re in a recession. Our administration is a cleanup crew for those who went on a non-stop binge and left the tab for us to pick up. The recession hurts. It causes pain. But we’ll work our way out of it. (as cited in Cannon, 2000, p. 231) Though Reagan used the binge metaphor to blame his predecessor nine times in different public speeches in 1982, he ignored the strong temporary surge in the economy in 1981, thereby making the downturn more than just a hangover from the previous administration. Conservative economists pointed out that this was not a “Reagan recession,” because the rest of the world suffered as well and the country was already headed toward a recession regard – less of the Reagan tax and budget cuts (Hayward, 2009). It was a complicated economic time, but the reality was that millions of Americans suffered, and many blamed it on Reaganomics. The recession exacerbated problems in the banking industry, and especially among savings and loan (S&L) institutions. These savings institutions accepted deposits and historically pro – vided housing construction loans for working-class families. The Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, however, relaxed investment rules and led to substantial speculation in construction and real estate markets, and government oversight of the S&L industry was lax due to both federal and state deregulation encouraged under Reaganomics. Some S&Ls also began financing more risky ventures, including casinos and ski resorts, and even began investing in junk bonds instead of brick-and-mortar projects. Between 1980 and 1983 some 118 S&Ls failed, and the FDIC spent more than $3 billion to repay insured deposi – tors. The crisis continued even beyond the recession and shook consumer confidence in financial institutions. The Election of 1984 Reagan’s supply-side economic programs lowered taxes on the wealthy and were supposed to stimulate economic growth, but defense spending created huge federal deficits that usurped any growth in revenue. Despite racking up a federal deficit of $2.7 trillion, Reagan remained popular with voters. He took credit for economic expansion even though unemployment hov – ered at 7.5%. His Democratic challenger, Walter Mondale, ran on a liberal agenda of freezing nuclear weap – ons and ratifying the ERA. His campaign was most notable for his choice of Geraldine Ferraro, a New York representative, as the first female vice presidential candidate in a major political party. The ticket did not resonate with voters, however; in one of the most lopsided elections in history, Reagan carried all states but Montana, Mondale’s home state. It seemed Reagan had a mandate to continue his agenda. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 435 1/9/15 9:38 AM Section 13.4  The Reagan Era Black Monday The probusiness climate of the 1980s led many to invest in the stock market as a quick and sure path to wealth. Lehman Brothers, a global financial services firm, began offering a money management camp for youth ages 10 to 15; parents could pay $500 for their children to learn wealth management strategies. Even the New York Times seemed blasé about the soaring eco – nomic gains when an August 1987 issue reported, “The Dow gained, ho hum, another 22.17 points as Wall Street marked the fifth birthday of the bull market.. . . ‘Another day, another 22,’ one jaded dealer said” (Business Digest, 1987). Many wise investors, including Nebraska billion – aire Warren Buffett, got out of the market entirely because stocks were overvalued and certain to fall eventually. Few heeded his advice, and they soon regretted not listening to the “Oracle of Omaha,” as Buffett was popularly known. The free-flowing money ran dry on Black Monday , October 19, 1987. That day the stock market crashed in a way that reminded many of the Great Crash of 1929. Just prior to Black Monday, the Dow Jones Indus – trial Average decreased by more than 100 points for the first time ever, falling to 2304.04. Then, on Black Monday, it lost 508 points, or nearly 23% of its value. Reagan’s response to reporters was dis – missive, saying, “the underlying economy remains sound” (as cited in J. Martin, 2001, p. 177), which many thought was reminiscent of Herbert Hoover’s reactions to the stock market crash in 1929. In this case, though, the nation did not slip into a depres – sion. Following the crash, new regulations known as circuit breakers stopped future crises by tem – porarily halting trading in the face of unusual price declines. This prevented future market collapse but did little to help the millions who lost their invest – ments in 1987. Homeless in Paradise While some Americans enjoyed tax breaks and the fruits of capitalism, a growing num – ber in the 1980s were “homeless in paradise.” For example, in Santa Barbara, California, reductions in social service programs prevented thousands of people, many whom were the so-called working poor, from receiving aid. As the number of people below the poverty line increased, those receiving Supplemental Security Income benefits decreased by nearly 15% (Rosenthal, 1994). Reagan’s cuts in discretionary areas such as the food stamp program and low-income hous – ing also dramatically hurt the poorest Americans. By 1990 the housing assistance program decreased by 73%, the largest cut in any program. The result was a dramatic rise of homeless – ness in America. © Bettmann/Corbis After months of speculative investing, a partial Wall Street crash created panic as thousands lost money invested in stocks. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 436 1/9/15 9:38 AM Section 13.4  The Reagan Era The homeless problem was given a great deal of attention by a somewhat unlikely source— the nation’s stand-up comics. In 1986 Comic Relief was formed when actor and comic writer Bob Zmuda thought he could use comedy to raise money to help the less fortunate. In 1986 Billy Crystal, Whoopi Goldberg, and Robin Williams hosted an HBO special with 47 comics; it received $2.5 million in donations and has currently reached more than $50 million. Funnel – ing almost every cent collected to charities, the organization funds homeless shelters, clinics in poor neighborhoods, and recovery treatment centers. Other relief organizations, like Farm Aid, founded in 1985, sought to raise awareness of the struggles of American family farms. Popular music artists held concerts—the first organized by Willie Nelson, Neil Young, and John Mellencamp—to seek donations for relief efforts sup – porting family farmers. It has now raised more than $37 million in direct aid. The organi – zation supports a referral network to help farmers in financial crisis and makes grants to organizations that assist farm families. The need for organizations like Comic Relief and Farm Aid are but two examples of the ways in which Reagan’s policies were not working for millions of Americans. International Complications and Triumphs On the international stage, Reagan focused on increasing the nation’s military power. He called the Soviet Union the “evil empire” and made it clear that he intended to apply the same toughness to international relations as he displayed in dismantling the PATCO strike. Outspo – ken in his opposition to communism, he mobilized the U.S. military and intelligence services to intervene against left-wing movements in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Central America, and the Middle East. When a leftist uprising sought to topple the government in El Salvador in 1981, for example, Reagan argued for intervention to maintain regional stability. The United States sent funds and military advisors to prop up the Salvadoran regime. In 1983 Reagan ordered an invasion of Grenada, an island north of Venezuela, ostensibly to rescue a number of American medical students but also to prevent Communist influence after a bloody military coup toppled the island’s government. Iran–Contra Affair American intervention in Nicaragua resulted in the greatest scandal of Reagan’s presidency. Instability in the region began in 1979 during Carter’s presidency. Then a militant political movement, the Sandinista National Liberation Front, overthrew the American-supported government of Anastasio Somoza. Although Reagan supported offering aid to the Nicaraguan opposition, many Democrats opposed intervention. In 1982, in the Boland Amendment to a defense appropriations bill, Congress banned military aid to the Contras, a militant group fighting the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. Concerns first came to light when, in 1986, a foreign newspaper speculated that the U.S. government was selling weapons to Iranian revolutionaries as part of a bargain to release a number of American hostages held by militant Islamic groups in the Middle East and was funneling the funds from the arms sales to the Contras. The arms-for-hostages deal divided many in the administration, but it is not clear how many were aware of the Nicaraguan connection. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 437 1/9/15 9:38 AM Section 13.4  The Reagan Era Backed by the Cuban government, Reagan believed the Sandinistas represented a Communist threat in the Western Hemisphere. Reagan went so far as to claim that the Contras were “the moral equivalent of our Founding Fathers” (as cited in Patterson, 2005). A second Boland Amendment passed in 1984 reiterated that neither the CIA nor other military aid be sent to the Contras, but Reagan ignored it. The ensuing scandal, known as the Iran–Contra affair, nearly destroyed the Reagan presidency. For nearly 2 years CIA director William Casey and National Security Council staffer Lt. Oliver North diverted some of the proceeds from Iranian arms sales to purchase arms and equip – ment for the Contras. When the scandal came to light, Reagan at first publicly denied that any arms-for-hostages deal had occurred, but he later retracted his statement. A full investiga – tion resulted in a series of televised congressional hearings that revealed that of the $30 mil – lion Iran paid for arms, only $12 million reached the federal government. The remainder was apparently diverted to aid the Contras. Eleven members of Reagan’s administration eventually pleaded guilty or were convicted of perjury and destroying documents, including North and National Security Advisor John Poin – dexter. Reagan denied any knowledge of illegal activity and left the presidency in 1989 with high approval ratings. The Contras failed to overthrow the Sandinista government. Arms Negotiations During Reagan’s presidency, the Soviets began charting a new course for their nation. Rising not from an ethnic Russian background but from the Ukrainian peasantry, the new Soviet general secretary, Mikhail Gorbachev, was different from earlier Soviet leaders. Gorbachev sought to reform his nation’s political system and boost its economy; he realized that in order to realize those goals a significant cut in defense spending would be necessary. Especially in his second term as U.S. president, Reagan changed his hard-line stance toward communism and the Soviet Union and began seeking a new rapprochement, or more open dialogue, with his Soviet counterparts. Some of Reagan’s rethinking on the Cold War pre – ceded Gorbachev’s ascendency to power in 1985 and demonstrated that Reagan was not sim – ply reacting to changes in the Soviet Union but was also a force for a new direction himself (Fischer, 2000). In the latter half of the 1980s, the two world leaders made progress in reduc – ing the numbers of nuclear weapons each nation possessed. Most significant was the INF Treaty (or Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty), which included the elimination of short-range nuclear weapons that traveled between 300 and 3,000 miles. These represented only 4% of the total number of missiles in each country’s arsenal, but it was the first time that America and the USSR destroyed an entire class of weap – ons, and it also was a first positive step in ending the arms race. The two nations also looked for hot-spot areas throughout the world where they might coop – erate to find a resolution to problems. For instance, the Soviets worked to convince the Pales – tine Liberation Organization that Israel had a right to exist. In another important gesture, the Soviets withdrew 115,000 troops from Afghanistan. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 438 1/9/15 9:38 AM Section 13.4  The Reagan Era The Beginning of the End for the Cold War While Reagan and Gorbachev resolved some remaining issues of the waning Cold War, oth – ers remained tense and divisive. In June 1987 Reagan scheduled a trip to West Germany that many said was an attempt to avoid the glare of the Iran–Contra spotlight at home. He used the occasion to demonstrate American strength by visiting Berlin on its 750th anniversary. Prior to his arrival, Reagan’s chief speechwriter met with John Kornblum, the top U.S. diplo – mat in West Berlin, who strongly advised Reagan to avoid criticizing the Soviet Union or tak – ing on the persona of a cowboy. Most importantly, Kornblum emphasized that he should not even mention the Berlin Wall, because most West Berliners had, over the decades, become accustomed to the existence of the 60-mile barrier that divided the city. When his speechwriter returned home and told Reagan what Kornblum said, Reagan was in com – plete disagreement and declared, “That wall has to come down. That’s what I’d like to say to them” (as cited in Schlesinger, 2008, p. 356). Over the next several weeks, the impending speech became a topic of intense debate at the White House, and in June 1987, when Reagan stood at the Brandenburg Gate in shadow of the wall in West Germany, he said the following: “General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberaliza – tion: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” (as cited in Bennett, 2007, p. 614). Although the phrase “tear down this wall” did not generate an immediate reaction, it became one of the most iconic phrases of the 20th century (Mat – lock, 2005). Through the hard work of countless men and women who sought freedom from Com – munist control, the Cold War’s hold on Eastern Europe began to unravel. Beginning with Poland in 1989, where voters elected a non-Communist oppo – sition to their government, the movement spread to Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania. A revolutionary wave broke across Central and East – ern Europe as citizens demanded representative government. In late 1989, just after Reagan had finished his final months as president, the Berlin Wall indeed came down due to the erosion of Soviet political control in Poland and Hungary and an increasing liberalization of East Berlin’s government. Joseph E. Stiglitz, winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics, said, “With the Fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, one of the most impor – tant economic transitions of all time began” (Stiglitz, 2003, p. 133). Dieter Klar/picture-alliance/dpa/AP Images Reagan’s speech at the Berlin Wall stands as one of the most iconic moments in Cold War history. It marked the crumbling system of Communist control in Central and Eastern Europe. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 439 1/9/15 9:38 AM Summary and Resources Summary and Resources Chapter Summary • After the tumultuous 1960s, many Americans supported a conservative shift in politics and social concerns. The transition to conservatism was not immediate, and many liberal-initiated programs gained ground under the Republican leadership of Richard Nixon. • The voting age was lowered to 18, and an important education act guaranteed women and girls equal access in education, including collegiate sports. • Reforms to Social Security, food stamps, and the introduction of the Pell Grant pro – gram made college accessible for millions of Americans. • The 1970s and 1980s were not without their political scandals and economic crises. Nixon became the first president to resign following the Watergate scandal, Jimmy Carter struggled to lead the nation through an energy crisis and international unrest resulting from the kidnapping of American citizens in Iran, and Reagan’s presidency was nearly destroyed by the Iran–Contra affair . • Reeling from the events of the 1970s, Americans supported the triumph of conser – vatism in the election of former actor Ronald Reagan in 1980. Promising to reform the economy and effectively manage the waning Cold War, Reagan initially enjoyed broad support. • Although his policies may have actually intensified the economic struggle of many Americans, Reagan dominated the decade with his confident public appearance and succeeded in laying the groundwork for the eventual end to the long Cold War. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 440 1/9/15 9:38 AM Associated Press April 22, 1970: The �irst Earth Day. July 1, 1971: Twenty-sixth Amendment, which lowered the voting age to eighteen, is rati�ied. June 17, 1972: Watergate scandal begins after the break-in at the Democratic national headquarters. October 10, 1973: Vice President Spiro Agnew resigns. August 9, 1974: President Richard Nixon resigns following the Watergate scandal. November 4, 1979: Iranian terrorists take 90 people hostage and hold 52 of them for 444 days. March 30, 1981: John Hinckley, Jr. attempts assassination of President Ronald Reagan. 1979: Jerry Falwell founds the Moral Majority. August 5, 1981: Reagan �ires over 1,000 striking air traf�ic controllers and breaks the PATCO union. October 19, 1987: Stock market crashes on what is now known as Black Monday. November 9, 1989: Berlin Wall falls, ending the Cold War division between East and West Germany. 1986: Iran Contra scandal becomes public. January 22, 1973: Roe v. Wade decision legalizes abortion in the U.S. March 29, 1973: U.S. combat troops leave Vietnam as agreed upon in the Paris Peace Accords. February 1972: Nixon becomes the �irst U.S. president to visit China. 1 96 9 1 99 0 © Bettmann/Corbis © Bettmann/Corbis © Bettmann/Corbis © Bettmann/Corbis Ken Feil/Washington Post/ Getty Images Associated Press Handschuh/Associated Press Summary and Resources Chapter 13 Timeline Associated Press April 22, 1970: The �irst Earth Day. July 1, 1971: Twenty-sixth Amendment, which lowered the voting age to eighteen, is rati�ied. June 17, 1972: Watergate scandal begins after the break-in at the Democratic national headquarters. October 10, 1973: Vice President Spiro Agnew resigns. August 9, 1974: President Richard Nixon resigns following the Watergate scandal. November 4, 1979: Iranian terrorists take 90 people hostage and hold 52 of them for 444 days. March 30, 1981: John Hinckley, Jr. attempts assassination of President Ronald Reagan. 1979: Jerry Falwell founds the Moral Majority. August 5, 1981: Reagan �ires over 1,000 striking air traf�ic controllers and breaks the PATCO union. October 19, 1987: Stock market crashes on what is now known as Black Monday. November 9, 1989: Berlin Wall falls, ending the Cold War division between East and West Germany. 1986: Iran Contra scandal becomes public. January 22, 1973: Roe v. Wade decision legalizes abortion in the U.S. March 29, 1973: U.S. combat troops leave Vietnam as agreed upon in the Paris Peace Accords. February 1972: Nixon becomes the �irst U.S. president to visit China. 1 96 9 1 99 0 © Bettmann/Corbis © Bettmann/Corbis © Bettmann/Corbis © Bettmann/Corbis Ken Feil/Washington Post/ Getty Images Associated Press Handschuh/Associated Press bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 441 1/9/15 9:38 AM Summary and Resources Post-Test 1. President Richard Nixon’s domestic agenda of New Federalism focused on: a. creating a new union of regional states to deal with major federal problems. b. completing the reforms proposed under Johnson’s Great Society. c. creating a congressional committee in each chamber to oversee aid to states. d. transferring some of the powers of the federal government back to the states through federal block grants. 2. Stagflation is best defined as: a. an economic combination consisting of high inflation rates, high unemployment, and slow economic growth. b. an economic combination consisting of low unemployment, high inflation, and inconsistent economic growth. c. the policy also known as supply-side economics. d. an economic situation caused by high energy rates and high interest rates. 3. Nixon’s most lasting contribution to U.S. foreign relations included: a. Nixon ended the Cold War with the Soviet Union and tore down the Berlin Wall. b. Nixon ended the U.S. involvement in Latin America for all time. c. Nixon became the first American president to visit China, opening the door for trade and positive relations. d. Nixon managed to reunite Southeast Asia under free and democratic governments. 4. Which of the following statements is NOT true of the Watergate scandal? a. Nixon’s personal White House taping system provided key evidence against him. b. Nixon resigned the presidency as soon as news of the scandal broke. c. The crime involved a burglary of the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in the Watergate Hotel. d. The crime was unnecessary because Nixon won the 1972 election by a wide margin. 5. What was the main purpose of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1974? a. It sought to direct and control funding for elections through public financing of presidential campaigns. b. It aimed to create political action committees as the main funder of presidential campaigns. c. It placed presidential campaigns under the review of the U.S. Supreme Court. d. It sought to direct funding for elections through the open market, allowing a free and fair competition to raise and spend campaign funds. 6. Which of the following statements is true of Jimmy Carter’s monetary policies? a. He supported conservative policies and lowering interest rates. b. He ably managed the economy without a specific monetary policy. c. He opposed government spending to overcome the economic downturn and instead supported a monetarist policy that allowed interest rates to rise. d. He stood strongly with the Religious Right, openly opposing any intervention in the economy. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 442 1/9/15 9:38 AM Summary and Resources 7. Which of the following groups was most likely to vote in the 1970s? a. blue-collar workers b. the working poor c. those with less than a high school diploma d. middle-class Americans 8. What concerns did New Right antifeminists have with the Equal Rights Amendment? a. Antifeminists believed that the amendment posed a threat to the traditional nuclear family, and particularly to the role of housewives. b. The New Right argued that the amendment would legalize abortion for all time. c. Antifeminists feared the amendment’s negative influence on party politics. d. Antifeminists believed that the amendment posed a threat to alternative family lifestyles. 9. The main component of Reaganomics relied on which theory? a. Keynesian theory b. monetarism theory c. tax-and-spend theory d. trickle-down theory 10. Coming to public attention in 1986, the Iran–Contra affair involved: a. the sale of intelligence to Nicaragua in exchange for weapons for Iranian revolutionaries. b. the sale of weapons to Iranian revolutionaries in a deal to secure the release of American hostages in the Middle East. c. the sale of arms to Nicaraguan revolutionaries in a deal to secure the release of Iranian hostages. d. secret government actions to uphold the Boland Amendment supporting U.S. involvement in Nicaragua. Answers: 1 (d), 2 (a), 3 (c), 4 (b), 5 (a), 6 (c), 7 (d), 8 (a), 9 (d), 10 (b) Critical Thinking Questions 1. Was the rise of the New Right in the 1970s inevitable? 2. In what ways did the energy crisis of the 1970s change the behavior of American consumers? 3. What caused the decline in voter turnout in the 1970s and 1980s? 4. What would America look like today if the Equal Rights Amendment had been ratified? 5. Was Reagan’s trickle-down economics ultimately successful? Why or why not? Additional Resources Richard M. Nixon’s Resignation Letter ht tp://docsteach.org/documents/302035/detail?mode=browse&menu=closed&t ype[] =writ ten-document&sortBy=era&page=53 With just one short sentence, on August 9, 1974, Nixon became the first U.S. president to resign from office. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 443 1/9/15 9:38 AM Summary and Resources President Gerald R. Ford Granting a Pardon to Richard M. Nixon ht tp://docsteach.org/documents/299996/detail?mode=browse&menu=closed&t ype[] =writ ten-document&sortBy=era&page=53 President Ford attracted much criticism for his pardon of former president Nixon. President Jimmy Carter’s Annotated Statement on the Failed Rescue Mission Regarding the Hostages in Iran ht tp://docsteach.org/documents/593298/detail?mode=browse&menu=closed&t ype[] =writ ten-document&sortBy=era&page=52 The brief notations on President Carter’s talking points reveal the stress of the effort to release American hostages held in Iran for 444 days in 1979 to 1980. Release of the Iranian Hostages ht tp://docsteach.org/documents/593939/detail?mode=browse&menu=closed&t ype[] =writ ten-document&sortBy=era&page=51 This document offers the details of the final release of the American hostages held in Iran. Letter from Ronald Reagan to Mikhail Gorbachev ht tp://docsteach.org/documents/198162/detail?mode=browse&menu=closed&t ype[] =writ ten-document&sortBy=era&page=52 President Reagan fostered a working relationship with the Soviet leader that helped bring an end to the Cold War. Letter from Ronald Reagan Regarding the Space Shuttle Challenger Accident ht tp://docsteach.org/documents/198440/detail?mode=browse&menu=closed&t ype[] =writ ten-document&sortBy=era&page=51 The world was shocked when the American Space Shuttle Challenger exploded just 73 sec – onds into flight on January 28, 1986. Answers and Rejoinders to Chapter Pre-Test 1. True. Foreign affairs were clearly one of Nixon’s strengths, in part because he adopted a multipolar philosophy, meaning that he thought that the United States should evolve from its bipolar view of the world—a division between America and the Soviet Union. 2. False . After ERA’s congressional passage, three fourths of all the states still needed to ratify it within 7 years to make it part of the Constitution, but this did not happen. One main reason was that the amendment gave too much authority to the federal government in the workplace. 3. True . President Nixon opposed some women’s issues but signed Title IX into law, banning exclusion or discrimination of women in all areas of education and pav – ing the way for increased funding for women’s athletic programs, especially in high schools and colleges. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 444 1/9/15 9:38 AM Summary and Resources 4. False . Reagan’s cuts in discretionary areas such as the Food Stamp program and low- income housing also dramatically hurt the poorest Americans. 5. False . As president, Carter rarely allowed his personal religious beliefs to intrude on his policies and drew ire from the Religious Right for refusing to support a ban on abortions and other conservative issues. He similarly angered conservatives who believed his economic policies did not go far enough to alleviate inflation. Rejoinders to Chapter Post-Test 1. During his campaign Nixon argued that government spending on social programs was out of control; as president he supported a program called New Federalism, which proposed welfare reform and shifting programming to state block grants. 2. The stagflation of the 1970s resulted from high inflation and unemployment (both above 6%) and a slowdown in overall economic growth. 3. Nixon’s China trip was the first step in improving relations with the Asian nation and offered important trade potential for the United States. 4. Nixon remained in office and desperately tried to hold on to the presidency, but fac – ing likely impeachment on charges of obstruction of justice, he resigned on August 9, 1974. 5. The 1976 election was the first to operate under the Federal Election Campaign Act, which created public financing of presidential campaigns and established an inde – pendent Federal Election Commission. 6. Carter appointed Paul Volcker, champion of monetarism, to head the Federal Reserve; his policies reduced the money supply, causing interest rates to reach nearly 20%. 7. Voter turnout dropped an average of 10 percentage points during the 1970s as many working-class Americans came to view electoral politics as ineffective and having little impact on their lives. 8. Antifeminists argued that the amendment posed a threat to housewives and the tra – ditional family; they also argued it would lead to unisex toilets and pregnant women in combat. 9. Reagan’s economic plan focused on supply-side economics, arguing that by cutting taxes on the richest Americans, the rest of population would benefit when wealth “trickled down” from the top. 10. The biggest scandal of Reagan’s second term, the Iran–Contra deal involved secret weapon sales to Iranian revolutionaries, in hopes it would facilitate the release of American hostages as well as fund secret intelligence support of Nicaraguan Contras in their attempt to overthrow that nation’s leader. Key Terms affirmative action  An initiative to increase the hiring or participation of minorities and prevent discrimination based on race, reli – gion, national origin, or gender. Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty  The 1972 treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union to limit antiballistic missiles and missile launchers. Black Monday  The October 1987 stock market crash marking the volatile economic climate of the 1980s. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 445 1/9/15 9:38 AM Summary and Resources détente  During Nixon’s presidency, this term referred to a lessening of tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union. Environmental Protection Agency  The federal agency created in 1970 to combine research, monitoring, and enforcement of environmental standards. Equal Rights Amendment (ERA)  A pro – posed constitutional amendment guarantee – ing equal rights for women. Federal Election Campaign Act  This 1974 law created the Federal Election Commission and established public financing of presiden – tial campaigns. INF Treaty  The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union that aimed to eliminate short-range nuclear weapons. monetarism  An economic theory hold – ing that controlling the circulating money supply will influence prices and economic output. Moral Majority  A political organization formed in 1979 to mobilize Christians behind conservative political candidates. New Federalism  Richard Nixon’s domestic plan that included welfare reform and pro – viding federal block grants to states to spend according to local needs. Pentagon Papers  The classified Depart – ment of Defense report on involvement in Vietnam between 1945 and 1976. When leaked to the press, it revealed that several U.S. presidents had misled the American public about involvement in the conflict and the region. political action committees  Political fund-raising and lobbying organizations that raise private funds to influence elections or legislation. Reaganomics  Reagan’s economic agenda that included reducing taxes on the wealthy so that their increased spending would trickle down to improve the overall economy. Religious Right  A right-wing Christian political faction characterized by strong sup – port for socially conservative policies. Roe v. Wade  The landmark 1973 Supreme Court ruling legalizing a woman’s right to choose abortion. stagflation  An economic term referring to a period of slow economic growth combined with high inflation and high unemployment. Title IX  Part of the Education Amendment of 1972, this law banned gender discrimi – nation in educational programs receiving federal funding. 26th Amendment  Ratified in July 1971, this constitutional amendment lowered the voting age to 18 from 21. Vietnamization  Richard Nixon’s policy to reduce U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War by training and supporting South Vietnam – ese forces to become the main combat force. War Powers Act  A 1973 act that requires the president of the United States to seek the approval of Congress before committing troops to a foreign conflict. bar82063_13_c13_411-446.indd 446 1/9/15 9:38 AM
Can anyone do my discussion1 wk.5 US?
14 A New Global Age © Lynn Goldsmith/Corbis The Clinton years brought economic prosperity and forced political compromise. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 447 1/9/15 9:36 AM American Lives: Ruth Bader Ginsberg Pre-Test 1. The War on Drugs was largely successful in eliminating the nation’s drug abuse and trafficking problems. T/F 2. The Cold War ended while Ronald Reagan was president. T/F 3. Economic deregulation led to major problems in banking and stock investments. T/F 4. Osama bin Laden was the mastermind behind the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. T/F 5. President Bill Clinton failed to pass both health care legislation and deficit reduction. T/F Answers can be found at the end of the chapter. Learning Objectives By the end of this chapter, you should be able to: • Discuss the major issues causing domestic unrest in the United States during the 1990s. • Explain how the fall of the Soviet Union and end of the Cold War altered U.S. relations abroad. • Discuss the ways that terrorism influenced life in the United States. • Describe at least three ways that Bill Clinton’s presidency was characterized by policies that aligned with the center rather than the left or right. • Explain the lasting impact of economic deregulation. • Describe the ways that American demographics were changed by the influx of new immigrants. American Lives: Ruth Bader Ginsberg Ruth Bader Ginsberg took her seat as the nation’s second female associate justice of the Supreme Court on August 10, 1993. Considered an advocate for women’s issues and known for often vot – ing with the liberal side of the court, Ginsberg gained a popular reputation for speaking out on matters of social justice . The nation was first introduced to her bold and outspoken voice in 1996 when she wrote the opinion in the case of the United States v. Virginia, holding that the state-funded Virginia Mili – tary Institute must accept women cadets. The ruling was a landmark decision, meaning that in addition to the case at hand it applied to future cases. As Ginsberg wrote, it applied to any law that “denies to women, simply because they are women, full citizenship stature—equal opportu – nity to aspire, achieve, participate in and contribute to society” (United States v. Virginia , 1996). Ginsberg was born to working-class parents in Brooklyn, New York, on March 15, 1933. She fin – ished first in her class at Cornell University in 1954 and married Martin Ginsberg the same year. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 448 1/9/15 9:36 AM After her husband’s brief military ser – vice, both Ginsbergs attended Harvard Law, but Ruth transferred to Columbia Law School in New York after Martin obtained a job there. She earned her bachelor of laws degree in 1959 . Ginsberg’s advocacy of women’s issues emanated from her own experiences with gender discrimination. Although she graduated first in her class at Columbia Law, she had trouble accessing the same clerkships and postgraduate opportunities as her male counterparts. She ultimately succeeded through per – severance, and after clerking for a year for a federal judge she began to teach. In 1972 she returned to Columbia Law School and became its first female ten – ured professor. Ginsberg’s passion for women’s issues led her to become involved with the Women’s Rights Proj – ect and the American Civil Liberties Union. She argued six ACLU gender equality cases before the U.S. Supreme Court during her involvement with the organization and won five of them. President Jimmy Carter appointed Ginsberg to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Colum – bia in 1980, where she served until Bill Clinton nominated her for the high court in 1993. She earned easy Senate confirmation, with a vote of  96 to 3. As an associate justice, Ginsberg quickly became known as a part of the court’s moderate-liberal block. In 1999, for work such as her rul – ing in United States v. Virginia, Ginsberg was awarded the America Bar Association’s Thurgood Marshall Award for commitment to gender equality and civil rights. In more than 20 years on the high court, she has become one of its most quoted and most pub – licly accessible justices. Some media outlets popularized her quotations, and one even dubbed her “Notorious R.B.G.,” although apparently her staff had to explain to her the reference to rap – per Notorious B.I.G. In 2014, after a court majority ruled that the government could not require a private corporation to provide insurance coverage for birth control if doing so conflicted with its religious beliefs, Ginsberg warned in her dissent, “The court, I fear, has ventured into a minefield”(as cited in Bassett, 2014). Although approaching 82, Ginsberg has indicated she has no intention of retiring . For further thought: 1. Based on the qualities noted here, why do you think Bill Clinton chose Ruth Bader Gins – berg for a Supreme Court appointment? 2. What do you think led Ginsberg to advocate for women’s issues and civil rights? Ron Sachs/Consolidated News Pictures/Getty Images As the second woman appointed to the Supreme Court, Ruth Bader Ginsberg has consistently supported women’s issues and civil rights and earned reputation as a witty and approachable jurist. American Lives: Ruth Bader Ginsberg bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 449 1/9/15 9:36 AM Section 14.1  After the Cold War 14.1 After the Cold War On November 9, 1989, thousands of citizens from both East and West Germany met on top of the Berlin Wall. They carried picks, shovels, and a variety of other instruments, which they used to begin chipping away at the wall that had separated the city since 1961. Their common act symbolized a reunification of the German nation, which formally occurred in 1990. The Cold War was reaching an end. President George H. W. Bush, who began his term in 1988, and his national security advisor, Brent Scowcroft, sat together in the White House watch – ing televised coverage of the wall coming down. Although they knew much work remained, democracy was on the move and people throughout the world were winning the fight to over – throw communism (Maynard, 2008). Domestic Unrest in the Global Age The reduction in a generation of Cold War tensions should have freed Bush to focus on domestic concerns, but it was not to be. Several factors contributed to Bush’s lack of a domes – tic agenda. For one, he inherited a suffocating level of debt from the Reagan administration. Bush emphatically promised no new taxes, and yet the national debt was $2.6 trillion when he entered office. With no significant new revenue sources, it was nearly impossible for Bush to formulate unique domestic policies. A second issue was that the power of the presidency itself was diminishing, as illustrated by the increasing public criticism of the office. According to one Bush biographer, “Presidential power was not what it had once been . . . the office was somewhat desiccated by the time he got there” (Parmet, 2000, p. 9). In addition, fearing the domination of one-party rule and the past mistakes it had caused, the American voter seemed to want a divided government so that there would be an almost para – lytic level of checks and balances on the executive branch. Bush confronted an uncooperative Democratic Congress that constantly pushed him to increase revenue for important domestic programs such as education and the environment, while at the same time he fought with the right-wing faction of his own Republican Party that sought tougher policies on abortion and affirmative action than he was willing to embrace. Urban Crisis and the War on Drugs Bush did give concerted effort to domestic concerns, most notably with the so-called War on Drugs . Inner cit – ies were the locus of many of the prob – lems linked to drug use, and begin – ning in Reagan’s presidency, new laws tightened enforcement and enacted mandatory minimum sentences for drug violations and sentencing guide – lines based on the weight and amount of drugs sold or discovered. According to the Drug Policy Alliance (2014), the number of people jailed for nonvio – lent drug offenses rose from 50,000 in 1980 to more than 400,000 in 1997. © Mark Reinstein/Corbis Drugs and violence escalated in many cities. In 1990 homicide was the leading cause of death for African Americans aged 15 to 24. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 450 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.1  After the Cold War Media portrayals of users of crack cocaine in the 1980s intensified public concern over illegal drug use and sparked Nancy Reagan’s Just Say No campaign, which offered few tangible solu – tions to the growing problem. Concern continued to grow among the public until 64% polled in September 1989 indicated drug abuse to be the nation’s number one problem. The fallout from the illegal drug trade disproportionately affected urban African American communities. Troubling statistics highlighted these problems. By 1990 homicide was the leading cause of death for African American men and women between age 15 and 24 (Elliott, 2001). Many of the violent acts resulted from drug-related disputes. The new drug laws also put immense strain on these communities. By the mid-1990s nearly 1 in 4 African American men between age 20 and 29 were in prison, on probation, or on parole. Largely thanks to mandatory sentences and other drug laws, more than 600,000 African American men were in the correctional system, compared with just over 400,000 enrolled in college (LaFree, 1998). The War on Drugs was central to Bush’s domestic agenda. He appointed William J. Bennett as the nation’s “drug czar” and leader of the new Office of National Drug Control Policy, and he convinced Congress to allocate $8 billion for treatment and law enforcement. The domes – tic War on Drugs bled into international affairs in 1989 when Bush ordered an invasion of Panama to capture that country’s dictator, General Manuel Antonio Noriega, for international drug trafficking. Despite the effort, the War on Drugs had few positive results. Many illegal substances, includ – ing cocaine and heroin, remained plentiful and relatively inexpensive (Chepesiuk, 1999). Much in the same way that Prohibition in the early 20th century did little to stem alcohol consumption, the War on Drugs failed in part because it attacked the supply but did little to lessen the demand. Critics also argued that too much attention was given to punishment at the expense of prevention. The Rodney King Riots Social unrest, including drugs and violence, exacerbated racial tensions in U.S. cities. The bubbling cauldron erupted in 1991 with the brutal police beating of Rodney King, an African American motorist who led Los Ange – les police on a lengthy chase while driving drunk. After the police appre – hended him, King surrendered and lay down helpless on the ground. But even though he surrendered, police continued to beat him while a hid – den onlooker videotaped the incident. When the news media broadcast foot – age of White police officers brutally beating a defenseless African Ameri – can man, it rekindled community anger and highlighted the continuing racial divide. © Ted Soqui/Corbis Several days of fires and rioting followed the acquittal of police officers in the Rodney King beating. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 451 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.1  After the Cold War When the case went before a Los Angeles court, an all-White jury cleared the officers of all wrongdoing. The outcome enraged much of the Los Angeles community and set off a series of riots that left 55 dead, 2,000 wounded, and thousands arrested. The irony was that in a nation committed to democracy, toleration for racial oppression persisted, leaving White America feeling guilty and Black America angry (McClain & Stew – art, 2002). With the riots in full swing, King implored, “Can’t we all just get along?” (as cited in McClain & Stewart, 2002, p. 26). Though in many ways a dubious spokesperson for this national conversation, King’s heartfelt plea resonated throughout the 1990s. King’s comment expressed a philosophy of homogenization, a striving to eliminate antagonism between races, ethnicities, and genders in an increasingly multicultural society (West, 2002). This view of society, an echo of Martin Luther King Jr.’s wish to be judged on the content of his heart and not the color of his skin, remained an elusive dream as the new millennium approached. Global Democracy While the nation roiled from racial turmoil, Americans witnessed dramatic change as demo – cratic movements spread across global communities. In South Africa the official policy of apartheid (which means “apartness”) came to an end. Apartheid had kept the races sepa – rated from 1948 through 1994, and although there was one White person to every five Black South Africans, Black people were disfranchised and subjected to strict segregation in public accommodations and education. The United States had helped bring freedom to Black South Africans through a series of economic and political sanctions. Under intense domestic and international pressure, F. W. de Klerk ended the apartheid policy when he came to power in 1989. In an important symbolic gesture, he released Nelson Mandela, leader of the African National Congress, a political freedom and liberation move – ment, from prison. Mandela was one of the world’s longest serving political prisoners, and his freedom indicated a new era of democracy for South Africa. He went on to become the nation’s first democratically elected president in 1994 (Lodge, 2006). The push for democracy was not as suc – cessful in China. In May 1989 students at Tiananmen Square in Beijing pro – tested their Communist government, pleading for democratic reforms. When the protesters’ ranks reached 100,000, the Chinese government disbanded them with military force. Some protest – ers peacefully resisted by simply stand – ing unarmed in front of the rolling tanks, and while the exact death toll remains unknown, many thousands died in the largest prodemocracy demonstration in Chinese his – tory (Zhang, Nathan, & Link., 2002). Jeff Widener/Associated Press Beijing demonstrators blocked the path of tanks on the Avenue of Internal Peace during the Tiananmen Square protests in May 1989. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 452 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.1  After the Cold War The Bush administration failed to respond strongly to this massacre, largely because the president hoped to maintain a positive trading relationship with the Chinese. As historian Jeffrey A. Engel wrote, “At the crucial moment, when critics across the American political spectrum demanded a harsh response, he sought instead a quiet policy” (Bush & Engel, 2008, p. 461) consisting of relatively mild political and military sanctions. A previous Amer – ican minister to China, Bush noted in his diary that the situation was “highly complex, yet I am determined to try to preserve this relationship—[and to] cool the rhetoric. . . . I take this relationship very personally , and I want to handle it that way” (as cited in Bush & Engel, 2008, p. 461). The End of the Soviet Union Despite a 70-year history of political repression and Communist rule, the Soviet Union became the next place in the world for democratic reforms. In early summer 1991 Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev visited Washington, D.C., where on July 31 he and Bush signed the Stra – tegic Arms Reduction Treaty, reducing nuclear weapons and securing America’s promise of assistance to help restructure the Soviet economy. Gorbachev offered fresh perspective on the monumental changes taking place in his country during a speech at Stanford University on May 9, 1992. He declared, “The Cold War is now behind us. Let us not wrangle over who won it” (as cited in Nuechterlein, 1997, p. 171). He claimed to have reigned over the only bloodless revolution in Russian history and hoped that the now independent nations of the former Soviet Union would be transformed into “a mod – ern law-based state” (as cited in Stanford News Service, 1992). It was clear, however, that the West had prevailed in the 40-year conflict between capitalism and communism. This staggering transformation was a long time coming. From its beginnings as the first nation in the world founded on communism, the Soviet Union rejected Christianity in favor of secu – lar Communist ideology. Once that union dissolved, believers were once again free to express their religious traditions. The Russian Orthodox Church experienced a resurgence in activity, and other forms of the Orthodox Church gained ground in the 15 new republics released from Soviet control. The republics also moved to establish their own connections to market econo – mies and reestablish independent governments. While the demise of the Soviet Union might have occurred regardless of American policy, increased U.S. defense spending during the Cold War certainly hastened its downward spiral. The nuclear arms race taxed Soviet resources, while other conflicts also forced the Soviets to spend beyond their means. In particular, U.S. aid to the mujahideen in Afghanistan following a Soviet invasion in 1979 had a profound impact on the Afghans’ unlikely victory over Soviet forces. During the 9-year-long Afghan War, the Soviet Union committed massive amounts of resources to a losing cause. With protests raging in the homeland, the eventual withdrawal of military forces in 1989 marked an embarrassing defeat for the crumbling empire. Following the failure in Afghanistan, the end came swiftly. In 1990 the Soviet Communist Party gave up its claim to monopoly power. Within a matter of weeks, 15 of the former Iron Curtain nations (including Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, East Germany, and Czecho – slovakia) held their first independent elections and began making claims of national sover – eignty. The formal end came in 1991 when the republics of the Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus officially dissolved the Soviet Union through the Minsk Agreement (also known as the Belavezha Accords). bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 453 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.1  After the Cold War On December 25, 1991, Gorbachev resigned as the president of the Soviet Union, ceding his remaining power, as well as the numerical launch codes for 27,000 nuclear weapons, to Boris Yeltsin, the new president of the post-Soviet Russia. Originally a supporter of Gorbachev, Yelt – sin came to oppose his policies and gained election as chair of the Russian Supreme Soviet (the Russian legislature) in May 1990. When Gorbachev resigned, Yeltsin remained in office as president of the new Russian federation. At 7:35 p.m. on Christmas evening, workers at the Kremlin lowered the red hammer-and-sickle flag and replaced it with the red, white, and blue Russian flag. The Cold War was over, yet the nuclear stockpiles remained (Dunlop, 1993). The Gulf War The United States did not remain at peace for long, however. On August 1, 1990, Saddam Hussein, the president of Iraq, directed his army to invade the small neighboring country of Kuwait. Before this aggression, the United States considered Iraq an ally, though an unofficial and uneasy one, in part because it had been at war with Iran. The old adage that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” applied, and throughout the Iran–Iraq War in the 1980s, the United States supported Iraq with nearly a half billion dollars of military technology. The United Nations had helped to broker a peace treaty to end the Iran–Iraq War in 1988. When it was over, Hussein sent his forces into Kuwait thinking that few world leaders would care. He was angry that increased oil production in Kuwait would depress the price of oil, and especially reduce the income his nation earned from oil sales. He also accused Kuwait of steal – ing Iraqi oil by using horizontal (slant) drilling techniques. He greatly misjudged the international reaction, which was unified in its opposition. Restor – ing stability in the region that produced much of the world’s oil made intervention even more likely and necessary. His second miscalculation was that a coalition of nations would never attack his soldiers who occupied Kuwait. In July 1990 meeting with April C. Glaspie, the Amer – ican ambassador to Iraq, Hussein declared, “Yours is a society which cannot accept 10,000 dead in one battle” (as cited in This Aggression, 1991). Hussein discounted Bush’s resolve. As a World War II veteran, Bush viewed Iraq’s act of aggression as an act of war. The president responded directly and emphatically to Hussein: “This will not stand, this aggression against Kuwait” (as cited in Smith, 1992, p. 89). Speaking to the American people, Bush declared, “We stand today at a unique and extraor – dinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historical period of cooperation” (as cited in Buhite, 2003, p. 293). Bush carefully gathered a broad international coalition unified in its resolve to confront Hussein. For the first time since the Vietnam War, a joint resolution of Congress authorized the use of military force. Multiple members of the United Nations, including the Russians, stood with the United States in the conflict. A unanimous UN Security Council resolution further supported the action. To Bush, this unprecedented group of global allies cut across traditional Cold War boundaries and offered the promise of a new world order. He said: Today, that new world is struggling to be born, a world quite different than the one we’ve known. A world where the rule of law supplants the rule of bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 454 1/9/15 9:37 AM SYRIA EGYPT SAUDI ARABIA IRAN IRAQ KUW AIT UNITED ARAB EMIR ATES QATAR JORDAN ISRAEL LEBANON TURKEY Euphrates River Nile River Tigris River R e d S e a Persian Gulf Mediterranean Sea Caspian Sea OIL FIELDS OIL FIELDS OIL FIELDS OILFIELDS OIL FIELDS O I L F I E L D S Cairo Baghdad Jerusalem Kuwait City Riyadh Doha Abu Dhabi Amman Damascus Beirut Tehran OIL FIELDS U.N. advance U.N. allied forces Neutral countries Iraqi invaded area Iraqi forces U.S. military base U.S. naval vessels Iraqi nuclear site U.N. bombing Scud missile attack Section 14.1  After the Cold War the jungle. A world in which nations recognize the shared responsibilities of freedom and justice. A world where the strong respect the rights of the weak. (Bush & McGrath, 2003, p. 93) With that inspiring rhetoric, the United States went to war with more than a half million American troops, supported by another 150,000 from Britain, France, Egypt, and Saudi Ara – bia (see Figure 14.1). U.S. general Norman Schwarzkopf led the attack, called Desert Storm , beginning January 15, 1991, and achieved a decisive and quick victory. By February 28 Iraq surrendered and withdrew from Kuwait, and while some argued that the United States should continue to march into Iraq itself, Bush, concerned about regional sta – bility, agreed with his advisors that this was not the wisest course of action. Though Hussein Figure 14.1: The Gulf War The short Gulf War brought together an unprecedented group of global allies to evict the Iraqis from Kuwait. SYRIA EGYPT SAUDI ARABIA IRAN IRAQ KUW AIT UNITED ARAB EMIR ATES QATAR JORDAN ISRAEL LEBANON TURKEY Euphrates River Nile River Tigris River R e d S e a Persian Gulf Mediterranean Sea Caspian Sea OIL FIELDS OIL FIELDS OIL FIELDS OILFIELDS OIL FIELDS O I L F I E L D S Cairo Baghdad Jerusalem Kuwait City Riyadh Doha Abu Dhabi Amman Damascus Beirut Tehran OIL FIELDS U.N. advance U.N. allied forces Neutral countries Iraqi invaded area Iraqi forces U.S. military base U.S. naval vessels Iraqi nuclear site U.N. bombing Scud missile attack bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 455 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.2  Prosperity and Discontent in the 1990s signed a peace treaty, he almost immediately began evasive tactics with international inspec – tors seeking to ensure he was not building unauthorized nuclear weapons. This began a decade-long quest to determine if Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction. The contro – versy still raged when Bush’s son, George W. Bush, became president in 2001. 14.2 Prosperity and Discontent in the 1990s Americans in the 1990s entered an age of expectation spurred on by the end of the Cold War and the “victory” of the United States as the world’s dominant superpower. The decade began with the nation in recession, but by decade’s end a booming economy fed a surging stock market. New technologies emerged to enable the development of the Internet, initiating a gold rush of investors and entrepreneurs seeking to get rich in the new digital environment. Underneath this enthusiasm lurked a growing specter that, for some, tempered this carefree era. Terrorism, cultural conflict, Y2K fears, political sex scandals, and presidential impeach – ment kept many Americans restless and uneasy as the millennium approached. The 1992 Election George H. W. Bush entered the 1992 election as the incumbent, but he had several strikes against him. At the time of the election the nation stood in the midst of a recession. Debts and rapidly increasing health care costs led many companies to declare bankruptcy. Against the advice of several advisors, Bush agreed to a compromise budget that combined Democratic- supported tax increases with spending cuts. He firmly believed that it was the only means to deal with a growing budget deficit, but he had violated his own staunch “read my lips” prom – ise of no new taxes, and in the hands of his Republican detractors, this became a powerful campaign weapon against him (Popadiuk, 2009). Bush’s stance on health care reform also led some Republicans to question his leadership. As early as February 1992, Bush suggested improving health insurance, changing malpractice laws, and implementing tax credits to help poorer Americans afford coverage. Though con – servatives balked, a large majority of voters ranked health care issues as an important factor in the presidential campaign (Bowles & Dawson, 2003). This debate offered a window of opportunity for the Democratic challenger, William Jefferson “Bill” Clinton. That summer, Clinton made health care reform a cornerstone of his election platform. His focus was on universal coverage, financed through taxes and sweeping cost- containment policies. Although Bush’s approval rating soared after the brief Gulf War, Clin – ton’s victory partly resulted from his stronger position on health care reform. A third-party challenge from Texas multimillionaire Ross Perot also helped swing the election for Clinton (see Table 14.1). Table 14.1: The 1992 election Vote Category Bill Clinton (D) George H. W. Bush (R) Ross Perot (I) Electoral vote 370 168 0 Popular vote 44,909,806 39,104,550 19,743,821 Popular vote % 43% 37.5% 18.9% bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 456 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.2  Prosperity and Discontent in the 1990s Seeking the Center Clinton took office amid the new world order that Bush had described. But historian A. J. Bacevich (2002) concluded that Clinton had an essential ability that Bush lacked: “He was a careful student of the forces transforming American society and the world at large” (p. 89), including expanding global economic ties and the fast rise of technology. On top of this, Clin – ton possessed charisma, energy, intellect, and a willingness to engage others who strongly held opposing beliefs. He was able to work efficiently at times with even those diametrically opposed to his ideals. Clinton’s global perspective formed the basis for his domestic, defense, and foreign policy initiatives. Even on the campaign trail, he argued “foreign and domestic policy are inseparable in today’s world” (as cited in Shue & Rodin, 2007, p. 95). Linking the two dimensions became an important theme of his presidency, and in 1993 he reemphasized this essential wisdom by stating, “America, like it or not, is part of a world that is increasingly more interdepen – dent” (Clinton, 1994, p. 2038). Speaking before a group of Coast Guard sailors, for instance, he argued that trade on the world market was a necessary component of economic success and key to making allies among the nations of the world. In the new world order, America could no longer be immune from change. Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell One of Clinton’s first acts was to partially strike down a rule banning homosexuals from mili – tary service. Despite his good intentions, Clinton’s approach earned criticism from all sides when he announced on July 19, 1993, that don’t ask, don’t tell was the new policy for the armed services. This meant that gay and lesbian service members could remain in the military as long as they did not reveal their sexual orientation (Levy, 2002). Here, as in many policy matters, Clinton sought a middle ground on a controversial issue. In this case his response to an issue that long perplexed the nation angered liberal Democrats who sought to allow gays and lesbians to serve openly, as well as conservative Republicans who opposed homosexual enlistment. Deficit Reduction In the early 1990s the federal deficit soared to astronomical levels. Many economists warned of a catastrophe in the stock market or banking industry. To rein in the deficit, Clinton pushed Congress to pass the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1993, also known as the Deficit Reduction Act . Often called “root canal economics” because the plan cut spending and increased taxes, it succeeded in igniting an economic surge and balancing the federal budget (Krueger, 2001). By 1998 the nation enjoyed a budget surplus, and Clinton faced a choice that very few of his predecessors ever had to consider—where to spend the extra funds. Clinton allocated the surpluses to education, reducing the national debt, and protecting Social Security. Health Care Reform Although some sectors of the nation prospered, soaring health care costs formed a roadblock to prosperity, especially for millions of uninsured Americans. Debate encompassed a range bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 457 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.2  Prosperity and Discontent in the 1990s of solutions. Some favored a move toward universal coverage; others were skeptical that the government could design a system to protect physicians’ autonomy in making professional judgments affecting their patients. Despite disagreements on methods, health care reform appeared inevitable in the early 1990s because polls indicated that two thirds of all Ameri – cans supported a national health insurance program financed by taxes. Health care reformers promoted four key benefits of reform: security for the middle class, coverage for millions of uninsured people, reduction in the cost of health care, and the result – ing control this would add to containing the federal budget deficit. In September 1993 Clinton made an eagerly anticipated speech on health care to Congress, and many believed that the decades-long quest for universal coverage would soon be a reality. The president appointed First Lady Hillary Clinton to lead a task force on the issue. After months of study and deliberation, her health care task force produced a report of more than 1,000 pages, outlining a detailed plan that would provide health care for all Americans. Under the plan U.S. citizens would be required to have health care coverage. Funded partly through payroll taxes on the employed and managed through close control of major health care providers and costs, the plan purported to solve the health care crisis. Gov – ernment funds would pay the costs of enrolling the unemployed in a health maintenance organization. Opposition emerged almost as soon as the plan was announced. Conservative political analyst Wil – liam Kristol rallied Republicans, libertarians, the insurance industry, and some physicians against the plan. He and others argued that the nation did not have a health care crisis, and they decried mul – tiple problems with the plan, including employer mandates. They claimed that forcing all Americans to buy health care was a violation of free-market principles and amounted to a government take – over that denied patient choice. Criticism also sur – rounded Hillary Clinton’s involvement in preparing the report and the secret nature of the task force’s negotiations. Amid the controversy, the Democrats could not muster enough votes in the Senate to even consider a watered down version of the bill, so the measure failed. Staunch Clinton supporters blamed partisan politics for the failure of health care reform, but more likely a combination of factors led to its demise. A failure to reach a compromise between those who sought single-payer reform and those favoring a market-oriented and managed-competition reform also stalled progress. Paul Starr, Clinton’s senior advisor for the health care plan, believed it was “also a story of strategic miscalcula – tion on the part of the president and those of us who advised him” (as cited in Mayes, 2004, p. 128). Democrats pushed the dreams of reform too far for the moment, and the health care reform issues were not solved during Clinton’s presidency. © Matthew Mendelsohn/Corbis As First Lady, Hillary Clinton used her legal training and experience to focus on a number of issues, most notably the controversial issue of health care reform. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 458 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.2  Prosperity and Discontent in the 1990s Terrorism at Home Also complicating the 1990s was the growing specter of international terrorism. In early 1993 few people in the United States had heard the name Osama bin Laden. Born on March 10, 1957, he came from a wealthy family in Saudi Arabia, where his father was a successful businessman with links to the Saudi royal family. As he completed a business degree at King Abdul Aziz University, Bin Laden began to advocate the restoration of sharia law (or sacred Islamic law) while opposing all forms of communism, socialism, and democracy. A part of the mujahideen the United States funded during the Soviet occupation of Afghani – stan in the late 1980s, Bin Laden gained a wide reputation and following as a jihadist , or holy fighter. In retrospect, funding the Soviets’ opponents turned out to be extremely short- sighted for the United States; in 1988, as the Afghan–Soviet War was nearing its end, Bin Laden founded al Qaeda as an Islamic extremist organization with a mission to wage a vio – lent jihad (or holy war) to achieve his political ends, which eventually included bringing harm or terror to the United States (Bergen, 2006). The World Trade Center—1993 Slightly more than a month into Clinton’s presidency, foreign terrorists attacked on U.S. soil for the first time. On February 26, 1993, a van explosion in the garage of New York City’s World Trade Center killed 6 and wounded more than 1,000. Authorities captured the attack – ers within a week; however, the leader of the group, Ramzi Ahmed Yousef, escaped to Pakistan. He contacted news media and declared he was one of Bin Laden’s top military lieutenants. The FBI later arrested Yousef in Pakistan, but Americans’ experiences with world terrorism were just beginning (Katz, 2002). Clinton declared finding Bin Laden to be a national priority. Oklahoma City—1995 By mid-decade terrorism originated from within the United States as well. On April 19, 1995, a truck filled with explosives detonated in front of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. The bombing claimed the lives of 168 people, 19 of whom were children in the facility’s day care center. Another 680 were injured, and damage to buildings spread across a 16-block radius. The primary perpe – trator, Timothy McVeigh, was an Ameri – can militia movement sympathizer and Gulf War veteran who perceived his actions to be a justified attack against the government. McVeigh and coconspirator Terry Nichols claimed their actions were in retaliation for FBI and government actions against a separatist militant family at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, in 1992 and a militaristic religious David Longstreath/Associated Press McVeigh was convicted of first-degree murder for killing 168 people with a fuel and fertilizer truck bomb in Oklahoma City. He was executed in 2001. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 459 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.2  Prosperity and Discontent in the 1990s commune in Waco, Texas, the following year. At Ruby Ridge a confrontation between federal marshals and FBI and the Randy Weaver family resulted in the shooting deaths of three people: Weaver’s son and wife and a marshal. The Waco incident involved a 51-day standoff between a religious group, the Branch Davidians; agents from the federal Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agency; the FBI; and Texas law enforcement resulted in 76 deaths, including Davidian leader David Koresh. Nichols was found guilty of conspiring to build a weapon of mass destruction and sentenced to life imprisonment in 1998. McVeigh’s 1997 conviction on 11 counts of murder and conspir – acy resulted in the death penalty, and on June 11, 2001, he became the first federal prisoner to be executed in 38 years (Wright, 2007). The Oklahoma City bombing and World Trade Center attacks shook American confidence and alerted the nation to the dangers from both domestic and international terrorists. In the wake of Oklahoma City, Congress enacted legislation to allow the death penalty for terrorists and to provide special relief and compensation to victims and their families. Both events led to increased security at federal facilities and many public buildings. Foreign Policy and Domestic Compromise Clinton also waded into multiple long-standing international conflicts, but he found many to be too complicated for a simple solution. The clear ideological divide of the Cold War in the past was gone, and in the 1990s it became difficult to formulate a well-defined foreign policy plan that balanced U.S. economic and strategic interests with humanitarian needs. Protec – tion of human rights abroad drove both military and nongovernmental agencies to act. Orga – nizations formed to protect women’s rights, provide AIDS treatment, and support the rights of indigenous populations around the globe. At home, reform of major domestic programs, including the nation’s welfare system, occupied a significant amount of time and energy. Bosnia and Kosovo One pressing global concern emerged in Yugoslavia in 1992, where tension between bitterly divided Serb and Croat ethnic groups escalated into a civil war, dividing the country into mul – tiple provinces, including Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia, and Slovenia. Ethnic and tribal divisions led several groups to seek the annihilation of others through ethnic cleansing . Main targets were Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats, who faced murder, sexual assault, beatings, and torture. By the mid-1990s nearly a quarter million people had died, and many looked to the United States for support to end what increasingly looked like genocide. Some in Congress remem – bered the quagmire of the Vietnam War and worried that the situation was unwinnable. Despite opposition, in 1995 Clinton agreed to end the conflict with the aid of NATO, which initiated a bombing campaign against Serbian military bases. The bombing raids were suc – cessful in bringing the leaders to the negotiating table and resulted in the Dayton Peace Accords , which established separate Bosnian, Serbian, and Croatian nations (see Figure 14.2). Clinton then sent 20,000 American troops into Bosnia as peacekeepers (Sells, 1998). Figure 14.2: The former Yugoslavia The breakup of Yugoslavia led to the formation of several new nations, largely along ethnic lines. Adriatic Sea Sava River Drava River Danube River Danube River ITA LY SERBIA MACEDONIA BOSNIA ANDHERZEGOVINA ALBANIA GREEC E CROATIA SLOVENIA SLOVAKIA AUSTRIA HUNGARY ROMANIA BULGARIA Vienna Budapest Belgrade Bucharest Sofia Naples Bratislava Ljubljana Zagreb Sarajevo Podgorica Skopje Tirana Venice Dubrovnik Bari bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 460 1/9/15 9:37 AM Adriatic Sea Sava River Drava River Danube River Danube River ITA LY SERBIA MACEDONIA BOSNIA ANDHERZEGOVINA ALBANIA GREEC E CROATIA SLOVENIA SLOVAKIA AUSTRIA HUNGARY ROMANIA BULGARIA Vienna Budapest Belgrade Bucharest Sofia Naples Bratislava Ljubljana Zagreb Sarajevo Podgorica Skopje Tirana Venice Dubrovnik Bari Section 14.2  Prosperity and Discontent in the 1990s Unrest persisted in the region, however. In the Serbian province of Kosovo, Albanian Muslims, representing 90% of the population, continued fighting for independence. Slobodan Milos – evic, the Serbian president, believed strongly that Kosovo belonged to Serbia, and he used his military to “cleanse” the area of the problem. His fighting force displaced 863,000 Albanian Muslims and killed another 10,000 who refused to leave. commune in Waco, Texas, the following year. At Ruby Ridge a confrontation between federal marshals and FBI and the Randy Weaver family resulted in the shooting deaths of three people: Weaver’s son and wife and a marshal. The Waco incident involved a 51-day standoff between a religious group, the Branch Davidians; agents from the federal Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agency; the FBI; and Texas law enforcement resulted in 76 deaths, including Davidian leader David Koresh. Nichols was found guilty of conspiring to build a weapon of mass destruction and sentenced to life imprisonment in 1998. McVeigh’s 1997 conviction on 11 counts of murder and conspir – acy resulted in the death penalty, and on June 11, 2001, he became the first federal prisoner to be executed in 38 years (Wright, 2007). The Oklahoma City bombing and World Trade Center attacks shook American confidence and alerted the nation to the dangers from both domestic and international terrorists. In the wake of Oklahoma City, Congress enacted legislation to allow the death penalty for terrorists and to provide special relief and compensation to victims and their families. Both events led to increased security at federal facilities and many public buildings. Foreign Policy and Domestic Compromise Clinton also waded into multiple long-standing international conflicts, but he found many to be too complicated for a simple solution. The clear ideological divide of the Cold War in the past was gone, and in the 1990s it became difficult to formulate a well-defined foreign policy plan that balanced U.S. economic and strategic interests with humanitarian needs. Protec – tion of human rights abroad drove both military and nongovernmental agencies to act. Orga – nizations formed to protect women’s rights, provide AIDS treatment, and support the rights of indigenous populations around the globe. At home, reform of major domestic programs, including the nation’s welfare system, occupied a significant amount of time and energy. Bosnia and Kosovo One pressing global concern emerged in Yugoslavia in 1992, where tension between bitterly divided Serb and Croat ethnic groups escalated into a civil war, dividing the country into mul – tiple provinces, including Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia, and Slovenia. Ethnic and tribal divisions led several groups to seek the annihilation of others through ethnic cleansing . Main targets were Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats, who faced murder, sexual assault, beatings, and torture. By the mid-1990s nearly a quarter million people had died, and many looked to the United States for support to end what increasingly looked like genocide. Some in Congress remem – bered the quagmire of the Vietnam War and worried that the situation was unwinnable. Despite opposition, in 1995 Clinton agreed to end the conflict with the aid of NATO, which initiated a bombing campaign against Serbian military bases. The bombing raids were suc – cessful in bringing the leaders to the negotiating table and resulted in the Dayton Peace Accords , which established separate Bosnian, Serbian, and Croatian nations (see Figure 14.2). Clinton then sent 20,000 American troops into Bosnia as peacekeepers (Sells, 1998). Figure 14.2: The former Yugoslavia The breakup of Yugoslavia led to the formation of several new nations, largely along ethnic lines. Adriatic Sea Sava River Drava River Danube River Danube River ITA LY SERBIA MACEDONIA BOSNIA ANDHERZEGOVINA ALBANIA GREEC E CROATIA SLOVENIA SLOVAKIA AUSTRIA HUNGARY ROMANIA BULGARIA Vienna Budapest Belgrade Bucharest Sofia Naples Bratislava Ljubljana Zagreb Sarajevo Podgorica Skopje Tirana Venice Dubrovnik Bari bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 461 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.2  Prosperity and Discontent in the 1990s Initially, the United States hesitated to get further involved despite the growing worldwide attention but eventually backed more NATO bombing strikes. The attacks lasted 45 days, dur – ing which time the Russians withdrew support for the Serbs. In June 1999 Milosevic accepted a peace agreement requiring free and open elections. One year later Serbian voters removed him from office. He was tried before a war crimes tribunal established by the United Nations but died before a verdict could be reached. From outward appearances, the Kosovo war was relatively insignificant (Bacevich, 2001). Serbia held little global economic or political power, and NATO military might proved vastly superior. Milosevic capitulated; the allies suffered few casualties; and the bombing campaign lasted only a few months. But Kosovo initiated a new era of warfare and served as a glimpse into how wars would be fought into the next millennium. For example, a B-2 Stealth Bomber took off from its base in Missouri, flew to Serbia, dropped bombs, and returned back to the United States. This 30-hour nonstop mission covered more than 10,000 miles. It demonstrated great potential for military actions to present little risk to American lives—but sometimes so-called preci – sion bombing went horribly awry, such as when this plane accidentally bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, the capital of Serbia. Welfare Reform International affairs and other issues led many Americans to worry that the nation was mov – ing in the wrong direction. This concern translated into Republican success at the ballot box in the 1994 midterm elections. The Republicans gained control of the House of Representa – tives after 41 years of Democratic control. Newt Gingrich became the new Speaker of the House. Proclaiming a “Republican Revolution,” Gingrich used his aggressive style to drive a conservative agenda and push back against Clinton’s policies. Gingrich’s rise to national prominence included the Contract with America , a political agenda that promised lower taxes, reductions in the size of government, loosened environ – mental regulations, reform of the welfare system, and an end to affirmative action. With the power of a Republican Congress behind him, Gingrich struggled with Democrats, eventually agreeing on a balanced budget and a capital gains tax cut. When a sex scandal threatened the Clinton presidency, Gingrich was the most vocal advocate of impeaching Clinton and remov – ing him from office. In order to pursue his domestic and foreign policy agenda, the president needed to walk a center line, seeking support from both sides of the aisle in Congress. Despite the political divi – sion, Clinton placed his own stamp upon revising important social programs. His willingness to compromise led to a new Welfare to Work program, which balanced a need to reform the entire welfare system, which sometimes trapped individuals in cycles of poverty, with Repub – lican demands that only those working should receive aid (Worthington, 1995). The original Aid to Families with Dependent Children program was at first aimed at provid – ing assistance to widows and their children, and it was stretched by the need for more gen – eral poverty relief. Requiring states to form programs partially funded with federal money, the system worked better in some places than others. In Wisconsin a healthy benefit system bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 462 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.2  Prosperity and Discontent in the 1990s led to charges that welfare recipients moved to the state expressly to increase their income. A family of three in Wisconsin received $517 per month in 1995, compared with a mere $288 in Indiana. The education opportunities and employment assistance offered under AFDC and related federal grant programs were also insufficient to help recipients leave welfare rolls. In West Virginia, for example, once AFDC recipients were employed full time at the minimum wage, the system cut off day care assistance, forcing some to choose between work and public assistance. In 1996 landmark welfare reform legislation, the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportu – nity Act fundamentally shifted the nation’s aid to the poor, adding a workforce development component to encourage employment. Clinton redefined welfare as an obligation for the recipient to work and an obligation for the government to help the unemployed find mean – ingful jobs by providing training, child care, and assistance with job searching. In some states when work in the private sector was not available for citizens, public opportunities could be created (Cisneros, 1995). The new welfare system resulting from the law, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, became a compromise between Democrats and Republicans. In place of AFDC’s classifica – tion as an entitlement program (such as Social Security), it constructed a temporary system in which recipients can receive benefits for no more than 60 months in their lifetime. Within 2 months of their first payment, those able must enroll in a job-training program or begin working. All states adopted the new strategy of reducing those on welfare and moving them toward a self-sufficient status, although some have placed more stringent limitations on the work requirements or the length of benefit eligibility. The law’s implementation saw the number of welfare recipients drop dramatically but made little impact on the number of Americans living below the poverty level (Ambrosino, 2008). Some poor families simply dropped off the welfare rolls, and local food banks and charities reported a sharp increase in demand for assistance after the law’s implementation. Budget Impasse Disputes between the Republican-controlled Congress and Clinton deeply affected the ability to pass a budget acceptable to both sides. As House Speaker, Gingrich had promised to reduce government spending, including funding for Medicaid and Medicare, but Clinton’s initiatives in health care, education, and environmental protection demanded a spending increase. The problem escalated to crisis when Congress threatened to refuse to raise the nation’s debt limit. Without the ability to borrow funds, the U.S. Treasury faced the choice of suspending spending on parts of government or placing the nation in default on debts owed to domestic and international investors. With neither side willing to compromise, payments to parts of the government stopped. The first government shutdown began on November 14, 1995, after Congress failed to pass the budget bill. For 6 days, while negotiations continued, all nones – sential employees were sent home. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 463 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.2  Prosperity and Discontent in the 1990s Government services restarted, and employees returned to work after Clinton and Congress agreed on a plan to balance the federal budget within 7 years. Budget negotiations resumed but again quickly failed to reach an agreement, and the government was once again shut down on December 15. Remaining closed this time for 22 days while the president and Congress negotiated, the standoff finally resulted in a budget deal that aimed to balance the federal budget in 7 years through a combination of moderate spending cuts and tax increases. The Republicans received much public blame for the crisis but managed to hold on to a major – ity in Congress. The compromise forced Clinton to move closer to the Republican position on taxes and spending, leading him to declare in his January 1996 State of the Union address, “The era of big government is over” (as cited in McInerney and & Israel, 2013). Clinton Impeachment During the economic enthusiasm of the mid-1990s and the ultimate success in Bosnia and Kosovo came what one Clinton biographer called the “seeds of disaster” (Harris, 2006, p. 222). In the summer of 1995, White House intern Monica Lewinsky and the president began a shadowy flirtation that lasted for several months, escalating after the government shutdown left the White House virtually empty. Lewinsky, as the chief of staff ’s unpaid intern, began answering phones in the West Wing and found a rare opportunity to be alone with the president. As soon as Clinton stepped into an empty office, she followed, and an affair began. Three years later, Kenneth Starr, a fed – eral prosecutor who had spent $30 mil – lion and 4 years investigating earlier alleged Clinton improprieties, learned of audiotapes in which Lewinsky admitted having sex with the president. Lewinsky had confided in a coworker, Linda Tripp, about the affair, and Tripp secretly recorded the telephone conversa – tions. Starr obtained Tripp’s tapes but kept them secret while Clinton and Lewinsky testified under oath that they had not had sexual relations. Starr accused the president of committing perjury, and a grand jury recommended that he be impeached. In a vote along party lines, the Republican-controlled House passed articles of impeachment against Clinton for lying under oath (Gormley, 2010). In a trial before the Democratic-controlled Senate in January 1999, the president was cleared of all charges. Polls demonstrated that only about a third of the U.S. public supported the impeachment. Many more viewed the events as harmful to the nation and blamed the © Reuters/Corbis Former White House intern Monica Lewinsky found herself at the center of a scandal that resulted in President Bill Clinton’s impeachment in 1999. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 464 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.3  Economics and Culture at Century’s End Republicans for pursuing the matter. Although his ratings on honesty suffered, Clinton’s over – all job approval ratings actually rose during the Lewinsky scandal and subsequent impeach – ment trial (Gallup & Newport, 2006). Clinton remained in office, admitted his improper rela – tionship, and worked to regain the trust of the American people and restore his image for the remaining 2 years of his presidency. 14.3 Economics and Culture at Century’s End Clinton’s popularity in the face of scandal and impeachment resulted in part from the nation’s continuing economic prosperity. After a brief recession during George H. W. Bush’s term, the nation enjoyed declining unemployment, job growth, and general economic expansion throughout the rest of the 1990s. Although both Reagan and Bush left office with large bud – get deficits, Clinton not only balanced the budget but also produced a budget surplus. By the time he left office, the unemployment rate, driven in part by new technologies, was below 4%. Economic prosperity also served as an important factor attracting new immigrants to the United States. New Cultural Horizon The Clinton years saw significant demographic shifts in the nation. The patterns of immigra – tion, which had significantly shaped the makeup of the United States in the 19th century, did so again in the late 20th century. One of the main enablers of this new immigration boom was Lyndon Johnson’s Immigra – tion and Nationality Act of 1965, which replaced the 1924 National Origins Act. Johnson had revised the old Eurocentric immigration policy because it virtually prohibited immigration from Asia at a time when the United States was fighting wars in Korea and Vietnam. The 1965 act increased the overall quota by 30,000 (to 184,000) and simply stated that not more than 20,000 could arrive from a single nation. Eastern Europeans and Asians, in particular, capital – ized on this new policy (Schaefer, 2008). This 1965 act remained in place until the Immigration Act of 1990 raised the annual immi – gration cap to 675,000 per year. It prioritized reunifying families and also immigration for work-related reasons. In addition, the country accepted refugees and those who came to its shores seeking political asylum without counting them toward the cap. As a result, between 1992 and 1998, the average number of immigrants totaled 825,000 per year (Powell, 2005). The New Immigrants Post-1965 immigration dramatically changed the makeup of the American population by the end of the century. Between 1965 and 2000 nearly 24 million immigrants settled in the United States. Almost half came from Latin America and the Caribbean. Globalization and bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 465 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.3  Economics and Culture at Century’s End the interconnections of international economies pushed many to seek opportunities in the United States, and a growing number came without legal documentation. For the first time, the gender balance also shifted so that more women than men arrived in the United States. The decline of manufacturing jobs during the 1970s and 1980s shifted oppor – tunities toward the service sector, which traditionally supported female employment. One 33-year-old woman from Jalisco, Mexico, recalled coming as a tourist in 1986 and never leaving, staying to work in multiple service-related jobs. Another, Rosa Maria Urbina, crossed the Rio Grande to work as a housekeeper in El Paso, Texas. For Urbina it was a difficult but necessary economic decision; a lack of money led her to leave her three children in a Mex – ican orphanage. Crossing the border illegally was the only means she had to earn enough to reunite her family (Barkan, 1996). In addition to economic factors, many Central Ameri – cans fled north to escape civil wars, and Haitians sought refuge from that nation’s repressive dictators. Another third of these new immigrants hailed from Asia, and smaller numbers came from Africa and the Middle East. Some, including the Hmong from Laos and the Eritreans from Ethiopia, fled political turmoil and entered the United States as political refugees. The Hmong faced persecution following the Vietnam War for their alliance with the U.S. mili – tary. Kim Yang, a Hmong woman who came to America as a child, recalled that her father sought refugee status because he believed “there would be houses to live in, more jobs to do, and maybe there would be more freedom.” Yang realized her father’s ambitions. She gradu – ated high school in the United States and then studied computer programming. She eventu – ally left the workforce to focus her attention at home with her husband and five children (Yang, 2010). Many highly educated Asian immigrants came seeking professional employment as physi – cians, engineers, and college professors. Others were poor, illiterate, and worked at jobs in the service sector such as housekeeping and landscaping (Grieco et al., 2012). Multiculturalism and a New Ethnic Nation The new immigrants changed the cultural, religious, and racial makeup of the United States. Racial struggles across the White–Black color line shifted to include Latinos, Asians, Muslims, and Buddhists. Celebration of diverse cultures, or multiculturalism , raised new issues about the place of immigrants in society. Advocates of multiculturalism believe it is essential to respect immigrants’ cultures and eth – nic traditions and that the diversification of American society is a positive influence. This will mean making important adjustments to embrace a new America where racial and ethnic minorities make up half of the population. As Table 14.2 shows, the Census Bureau predicts that the African American, Latino, and Asian American populations will continue to expand during the 21st century. While Whites accounted for almost 70% of the U.S. population in 2000, by midcentury half of Americans will be non-White, with Latinos accounting for about one fourth of the nation’s residents. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 466 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.3  Economics and Culture at Century’s End Table 14.2: Proportion of ethnic minority groups Ethinic Group 2000 census 2006 American Community Survey Estimate for 2050 African Americans 12.7% 12.4% 14.6% Native Americans 1.5% 0.8% 1.1% Asian Americans 3.8% 4.4% 8.0% Hispanics 12.6% 14.8% 24.4% Source: Organista, Marin, & Chun, 2010. Struggles for Equality Continue Ethnic diversity only added a new dimension to the continuing struggle for social and eco – nomic equality in the late 20th century. Some immigrant groups, especially Asians (including well-educated Japanese, Korean, Indians, as well as Chinese and Southeast Asians) experi – enced considerable success and economic and social mobility, earning advanced degrees and embarking on professional careers. For other ethnic groups and poor Whites, the 1990s and the new century meant prolonged poverty and little economic change. Latino communities remained among the poorest in the nation, largely because Latinos toiled in low-wage service sector jobs and farm labor. Despite some gains during the civil rights movement, the Latino poverty rate remained persistently high as communities swelled with even more legal and undocumented immigrants from Mexico and Central America. African American communities saw an influx of well-educated immigrants from African nations, the Black Caribbean, and South America who filled professional occupations in a manner similar to Asians, but most African Americans struggled economically. The African American poverty rate, hovering near 25%, surpassed that of Whites, Latinos, and Asians. In both the North and South, large numbers of African Americans lived in poor inner-city neighborhoods. Thanks to the urban–suburban divide, city school systems catered largely to all-minority pupils and suffered from declining resources. By 2004 as many as 73% of African American and 77% of Latino children studied in majority non-White urban schools (Alonso, Anderson, Su, & Theoharis, 2009). The Dot-Com Bubble One of the drivers of the “new economy” in the 1990s was the Internet. The Internet began in the 1960s when the U.S. Defense Department’s Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA) explored a way to link the limited number of mainframe computers throughout the nation to share resources at scientific laboratories and also provide a flexible way to communicate in the event of a nuclear war. As the personal computer became affordable in the late 1970s and the 1980s and the speed of microprocessors and the capacity of storage space increased, the ARPAnet (later the Internet) and the computer converged. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 467 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.3  Economics and Culture at Century’s End Technology in America: The Smart Phone One of the iconic images from the 1987 film Wall Street was the protagonist Gordon Gekko using a revolutionary new communications technolog y. It was a “portable” phone the size and weight of a brick. It featured a large antenna and operated over a cellular, or wire – less, network. In 1983 Ameritech established the first 1G (first-generation) cell phone net – work in Chicago. Over the next 2 decades, this technology evolved to become a way to inex – pensively connect millions of people through voice and text over the entire world. In the 1990s three important trends converged to make the cell phone a truly revolutionary device. The first was the cost of cell phone plans. Initially, cell phones were extremely expensive to use, and there were little to no periods when people could talk without rack – ing up huge costs. As a result, people used them only for emergencies. When these prices began decreasing, though, cell phones slowly became the communications medium of choice—even for casual conversation—and began to replace landlines, or home phones, and the once ubiquitous phone booth. A second important trend was the development of personal digital assistants (PDAs). These were small handheld computers initially sold by companies like Palm Pilot. Although they had a variet y of data and organizational features (such as a datebook, calendar, and limited games), they had no way to connect to other users. Each PDA was essentially an island unto itself. A third key trend was the emergence of Wi-Fi hotspots, which enable users with lap – tops to easily log on to the Internet, even when away from home. Coffee shops began adding these connection points for free as a way to lure customers. Jörg Carstensen/picture-alliance/dpa/AP Images Smart phone technology revolutionized the way that Americans communicate, providing social media connections and offering information at one’s fingertips. By the 1990s faster connection speeds and graphical Internet browsers sparked unbridled enthusiasm for what consumers could do with this new technology. The media called all of the e-commerce Internet companies “dot-coms” because of the “.com” extension on their web – site names. In many cases entrepreneurs were unrealistic about what they might accomplish. Many invested millions of dollars in entrepreneurs with no products or sound business plans in the hopes that a vague idea might become the next eBay or Yahoo! Entrepreneurs promised workers stock options when there were no funds for payroll, pointing to the experience of secretaries from the early Microsoft days in the 1980s who were now millionaires. But many of the ideas were tentative at best, such as exchanging real money for virtual cur – rency called Flooz, getting investment advice from amateurs (iexchange.com), or purchasing a car from imotors.com. Venture capitalists, those who gave money to entrepreneurs for an ownership share in the product, funded this dot-com craze, and they distributed more ven – ture capital during the mid-1990s than in the entire history of American business prior to this time (Kaplan, 2002). (continued) bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 468 1/9/15 9:37 AM Section 14.3  Economics and Culture at Century’s End By the early 2000s all three of these trends converged into a new device called the smart phone. In 2004 a Canadian company called Research in Motion began offering its BlackBerry phone, combining the organizational features of a PDA, the voice capabili – ties of a cell phone, and the data functionalit y of a laptop by offering e-mail. Three years later, Apple introduced its iPhone, and in 2007 it earned Time magazine’s invention of the year. Since that time the ubiquitous smart phone revolutionized the way Americans com – municate and access the Internet and social media. They provide information at one’s fingertips, offer the abilit y to record video, and allow Americans to be ever more con – nected while traveling. For further reading, see: Briggs, A., & Burke, P. (2009). A social history of the media: From Gutenberg to the Internet . Cambridge, MA: Polity. Technology in America: The Smart Phone (continued) Boom and Bust in the Stock Market While Clinton was focusing on terrorism abroad and scandal at home, the one constant was the booming economy that deflected some criticism from him. However, this too was an area of potential trouble. In December 1996 the chair of the Federal Reserve, Alan Greenspan, gave a speech in which he warned that despite the tremendous rise of the stock market, the econ – omy was treading on dangerous ground; those who chose to ignore it, he said, suffered from “irrational exuberance” (as cited in Shiller, 2005, p. 1). Greenspan’s warning went unheeded, and from 1995 to March 2000, stocks moved at a frenzied pace, driven ever higher by the money invested in Internet companies. Between 1998 and 2000 the value of Internet stocks quintupled. This so-called dot-com bubble peaked when the NASDAQ, a benchmark of technology companies, reached 5,132 points at midday on March 10, 2000 (Perkins & Perkins, 1999). At this moment the bubble burst, and over the next 2 years, companies lost $5 trillion in market value. Many of the Inter – net companies traded at 1% or 2% of their previous valuations, and others simply folded (Rajan & Zingales, 2004). There were several reasons for this collapse. First was a lackluster 1999 Christmas season for retailers, and when companies released earnings results in March 2000, a broad downturn was evident. Also, companies invested heavily in information technology prior to January 1, 2000, in response to fears of a Y2K (meaning year 2000) computer glitch that was feared would shut down the global computer infrastructure. When this did not happen—January 1, 2000, passed without incident—companies virtually had no need for computer upgrades for the foreseeable future. Deregulation in Practice Globalization and the economic expansion of the 1990s led both Republicans and Democrats to support deregulation of the economy. Although deregulation is often associated with the bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 469 1/9/15 9:37 AM Summary and Resources Republican Party, during the 1990s Clinton and other Democrats came to agree that many of the nation’s financial regulations were outdated and stifled real competition. For example, under Clinton in 1999 Congress repealed the Glass–Steagall Act, enacted during the Great Depression to separate commercial and investment banking. This allowed banks to mix busi – ness practices and grow ever larger. While removing the barrier between banking sectors allowed consumers more freedom of choice, deregulation also left the door open for corruption. With little government oversight of important segments of the economy, fraudulent business practices resulted in scandals in energy, telecommunications, and stock trading. Summary and Resources Chapter Summary • The United States entered a new global age during the 1990s. Although the Cold War was over, the interconnectedness of world economies and political organizations made international concerns of paramount interest. • The breakup of the Soviet Union left the United States as the world’s dominant superpower, leading to interventions in the Middle East and Eastern Europe. The threat from terrorism hit home with attacks from abroad on New York’s World Trade Center and from domestic terrorists on a federal office building in Oklahoma. • Domestically, the nation experienced financial prosperity with a federal budget surplus for the first time in many decades. The stock market soared, and Internet commerce allowed some Americans to join the wealthy class. • Dissent also figured into 1990s America. Racial and ethnic tensions persisted, result – ing in rioting in Los Angeles and a questioning of the place of immigrants in society. • As the millennium approached, America was more ethnically diverse, and the trend was projected to continue into the new century. • Instead of Cold War tensions, the nation and the world faced a renewed and more prolific specter of international terrorism that threatened to change life in America and global relations. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 470 1/9/15 9:37 AM © Lynn Goldsmith/Corbis January 17–February 28, 1991: Gulf War (Operation Desert Storm) began in response to the Iraqi invasion and annexation of Kuwait. December 26, 1991: Collapse of the Soviet Union meant independence for the remaining twelve republics of the Soviet Union. February 26, 1993: World Trade Center bombing. 1992: Bill Clinton elected president, beating out incumbent Republican president George H. W. Bush. 1994: Republicans win control of Congress in midterm election and Newt Gingrich proposes a Contract with America. April 19, 1995: Oklahoma City bombing results in the deaths of 168 Americans. February 12, 1998: Impeachment of President Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice ends in acquittal. 1 990 2 0 00 April 29, 1992: Rodney King verdict sparks riots in South Central Los Angeles. 1996: Bill Clinton reelected president. 1999: Y2K fears of computer malfunctions fail to materialize when the millennium arrives. © Ted Soqui/Corbis David Longstreath/Associated Press John Duricka /Associated Press Associated Press Summary and Resources Chapter 14 Timeline © Lynn Goldsmith/Corbis January 17–February 28, 1991: Gulf War (Operation Desert Storm) began in response to the Iraqi invasion and annexation of Kuwait. December 26, 1991: Collapse of the Soviet Union meant independence for the remaining twelve republics of the Soviet Union. February 26, 1993: World Trade Center bombing. 1992: Bill Clinton elected president, beating out incumbent Republican president George H. W. Bush. 1994: Republicans win control of Congress in midterm election and Newt Gingrich proposes a Contract with America. April 19, 1995: Oklahoma City bombing results in the deaths of 168 Americans. February 12, 1998: Impeachment of President Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice ends in acquittal. 1 990 2 0 00 April 29, 1992: Rodney King verdict sparks riots in South Central Los Angeles. 1996: Bill Clinton reelected president. 1999: Y2K fears of computer malfunctions fail to materialize when the millennium arrives. © Ted Soqui/Corbis David Longstreath/Associated Press John Duricka /Associated Press Associated Press bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 471 1/9/15 9:37 AM Summary and Resources Post-Test 1. The Republican Contract with America promised to do all of the following EXCEPT: a. lower taxes. b. reduce the size of government. c. enhance the protections of affirmative action. d. reduce environmental regulation on business. 2. Which of the following statements about the War on Drugs is true? a. The War on Drugs significantly diminished the sale and consumption of illegal narcotics in the United States. b. The War on Drugs was not effective, and illegal narcotics such as heroin and cocaine remained plentiful in the United States. c. The end of the Cold War led to an escalation in the War on Drugs. d. President Bush appointed Vice President Dan Quayle to head the War on Drugs. 3. All of the following contributed to the fall of the Soviet Union EXCEPT: a. consistently high levels of U.S. investment in defense spending during the Cold War. b. Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev’s willingness to negotiate nuclear arms reduction. c. Soviet failure in the Afghan War. d. ethnic cleansing in Yugoslavia. 4. Domestic terrorism struck fear in the hearts of American citizens during the 1990s with attacks on: a. the Pentagon and White House. b. the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. c. the World Trade Center and the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. d. the Franklin Institute and the Pentagon. 5. Bill Clinton’s “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy was aimed at: a. new immigrants crossing the border illegally to work in the United States. b. tax-and-spend liberals who sought a secret compromise with Republicans in Congress. c. health care reformers who sought to make under-the-table deals with physicians and hospitals. d. gay and lesbian members of the U.S. military. 6. One result of the Dayton Peace Accords was: a. the creation of the separate nations of Bosnia, Serbia, and Croatia. b. the immediate end to ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia. c. the establishment of Russian leader Gorbachev as the region’s prime minister. d. the removal of all American troops because their peacekeeping role ended. 7. Which of the following laws created a massive overhaul of the American welfare system in 1996? a. Welfare to Work b. Revised Social Security Act of 1996 c. Gingrich Personal Responsibility Act d. Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 472 1/9/15 9:37 AM Summary and Resources 8. What was the fear associated with Y2K? a. that computer and Internet stocks would collapse on the eve of the new millennium b. that international terrorist groups would coalesce to form a force more threaten – ing than the former Soviet Union c. that the federal deficit would grow beyond a point of no return d. that computers would malfunction when their internal clocks turned to Janu – ary 1, 2000 9. How did the Immigration Act of 1990 change immigration to the United States? a. It lowered the annual immigration cap to pre-1965 levels, resulting in fewer immigrants arriving in the United States. b. It raised the immigration cap and gave preference to reuniting families and highly skilled workers. c. It reinstated the quotas outlined in the National Origins Act of 1924. d. It limited immigration to citizens of the Western Hemisphere, increasing the flow of migrants from Mexico and Central America. 10. Advocates of multiculturalism argue that: a. All seeking to live in the United States should assimilate into the dominant cul – ture, learn to speak English, and give up their ethnic traditions. b. Migrant cultures help to create a pluralistic and nativistic American society. c. Diverse immigrant cultures are a positive influence on American society and should be encouraged to persist and flourish. d. Multiple cultural and ethnic traditions were fine in the past, but in the future Americans should strive to incorporate diverse cultures into one mainstream American culture. Answers: 1 (c), 2 (b), 3 (d), 4 (c), 5 (d), 6 (a), 7 (d), 8 (d), 9 (b), 10 (c) Critical Thinking Questions 1. Did the world become a safer place after the Cold War? 2. Is U.S. intervention in world conflicts justified in order to spread global democracy? 3. Should a president be impeached for moral or unethical behavior? 4. What should be done with a federal budget surplus? 5. Has racial equality been achieved at the turn of the 21st century? Additional Resources Second Draft of the Address to the Nation on the Gulf War ht tp://docsteach.org/documents/595211/detail?mode=browse&menu=closed&t ype[] =writ ten-document&sortBy=era&page=53 This draft of a televised speech includes the words and notations President George H. W. Bush used when announcing the beginning of the military campaign known as Operation Desert Storm. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 473 1/9/15 9:37 AM Summary and Resources President Bill Clinton’s Eulogy for the Bombing Victims in Oklahoma City ht tp://docsteach.org/documents/595142/detail?mode=browse&menu=closed&t ype[] =writ ten-document&sortBy=era&page=52 President Clinton’s poignant words underscored the nation’s sorrow at the loss of 168 Americans to this act of domestic terrorism. Oaths of Senators for the Impeachment Trial of William Jefferson Clinton ht tp://docsteach.org/documents/1157606/detail?mode=browse&menu=closed&t ype[] =writ ten-document&sortBy=era&page=52 President Bill Clinton became only the second American president to face impeachment in 1998; he was acquitted of all charges in February 1999. Immigration Act of 1990 ht tps://w w w.gov track.us/congress/bills/101/s358/text This law was the first major immigration legislation since 1965. It increased the numbers of immigrants permitted to enter the United States and gave priority to those with special skills or family already in the country. Becoming Minnesotan: Stories of Recent Immigrants and Refugees ht tp://education.mnhs.org/immigration These oral history interviews provide firsthand accounts of recent immigrants living in the state of Minnesota. Answers and Rejoinders to Chapter Pre-Test 1. False . Although the War on Drugs included enforcement drives, public service announcements, and other measures aimed at attacking the nation’s drug problem, it made very little impact. 2. False . The fall of the Soviet Union occurred while President George H. W. Bush was president. In 1990 the Communist Party voluntarily gave up its claim to monopoly power. Within a matter of weeks, 15 of the former Iron Curtain nations (including Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, East Germany, and Czechoslovakia) held their first independent elections and began making claims of national sovereignty. The formal end came in 1991 when the republics of the Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus officially dissolved the Soviet Union through the Minsk Agreement (also known as the Belavezha Accords). 3. True . Economic deregulation made it easier to conduct business, allowing certain segments of the economy such as banking, investing, and Internet start-up compa – nies to boom, but also left the door open for corruption. Speculation resulted in a stock market crash in 1987, and little regulation spawned unsavory business prac – tices that saw many Americans lose money in the stock market. 4. True. After the bombing, Ramzi Ahmed Yousef telephoned the Associated Press to let the world know he was one of Osama bin Laden’s top military lieutenants and that this was just the start of a new war. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 474 1/9/15 9:37 AM Summary and Resources 5. False. Although Clinton’s health care legislation failed, he was successful in deficit reduction. Clinton had secured a budget surplus and faced a decision that very few of his predecessors ever had to worry about—where to spend the extra funds. Clin – ton decided to allocate the surpluses to education, reducing the national debt, and protecting Social Security. Rejoinders to Chapter Post-Test 1. The Contract with America pushed a conservative Republican agenda and sought to end affirmative action in education and the workplace. 2. The War on Drugs largely failed, partly because it attacked the supply of illegal nar – cotics but did little to curb demand. 3. Multiple factors figured into the dismantling of the Soviet Union, including the Com – munist Party’s relaxation of control that allowed countries under Soviet control to hold free elections and claim national sovereignty. 4. Both international and domestic terrorists struck in the 1990s. Islamic radicals from abroad perpetrated the first attack on the World Trade Center in 1993, but antigov – ernment citizens instigated the Oklahoma City bombing, killing 168 people. 5. Clinton’s policy angered both Republicans and Democrats when he partially struck down the military rule banning homosexuals from military service. His centrist position allowed gays to remain in service so long as they did not reveal their sexual orientation. 6. The Dayton Accords brought leaders from all sides together and created three inde – pendent nations, but unrest persisted in the Serbian province of Kosovo. 7. This law fundamentally shifted the nation’s aid to the poor, adding workforce devel – opment to encourage employment. 8. When computers failed to malfunction on the eve of the new millennium, computer and technology stocks declined rapidly because companies had no need to repair or update their computer software, as had been anticipated. 9. The act replaced a more restrictive 1965 law. It raised the annual cap to 675,000, and gave preference to highly skilled workers and migrants with family already in the United States. 10. Advocates of multiculturalism believe it is essential to respect immigrant culture and ethnic traditions because they contribute to a positive diversification of American society. Key Terms al Qaeda  An Islamic terrorist organiza – tion calling for global reorganization under strict sharia law and opposition to Western culture. apartheid  This decades-old South African policy of “apartness” or complete racial separation ended in 1989. Contract with America  A Republican reform plan that promised to lower taxes, reduce the size of government, loosen envi – ronmental regulation, and end affirmative action. Dayton Peace Accords  The international agreement ending the Bosnian War and creating the independent nations of Bosnia, Serbia, and Croatia. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 475 1/9/15 9:37 AM Summary and Resources Deficit Reduction Act  Also known as the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1993, this act cut spending, raised taxes, and man – aged to balance the federal budget. Desert Storm  Decisive American-led NATO action forcing Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein to cease occupation of oil-rich Kuwait. don’t ask, don’t tell  A military policy partially repealing the ban on homosexuals in the military, so long as a person’s sexual orientation was not openly revealed. dot-com bubble  An artificial inflation of technology and Internet stocks in the late 1990s. ethnic cleansing  A mass expulsion or kill – ing of members of an ethnic or racial group. Immigration Act of 1990  Replacing earlier quota systems, this act increased the over – all number of immigrants to be admitted annually to 675,000 and gave preference to migrants with family already in the United States or specific job skills. impeachment  The formal process of removing an official from office for illegal activity; in presidential impeachment the process includes indictment by the House of Representatives and trial before the Senate. jihadist  An Arabic term translating as “struggle” or “resisting,” the term came to designate militant, fundamentalist Islamic conflict. Minsk Agreement  Also known as the Belavezha Accords, this agreement formally dissolved the Soviet Union in 1991. multiculturalism  The notion that it is essential to respect the culture and ethnic traditions of multiple immigrant groups and that the diversification of American society is a positive influence. new immigrants  Late 20th-century immi – grants hailing largely from Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Central and South America. sharia law  A legal system based on the teachings of Islam. War on Drugs  George H. W. Bush’s program to reduce the manufacture, sale, and traffick – ing in illegal drugs. Welfare to Work  A major overhaul of the federal welfare and poor relief system to incorporate job training and work require – ments for welfare recipients. Y2K  The approaching year 2000; it brought fears that computers and other electronic devices would stop function – ing, and some businesses and individuals stockpiled supplies and cash and invested in software repairs for a problem that never materialized. bar82063_14_c14_447-476.indd 476 1/9/15 9:37 AM
Can anyone do my discussion1 wk.5 US?
Your Political Compass Economic Left/Right: -0.63 Social Libertarian/Authoritarian: 0.56 Show chart in a separate window for printing